<p>It will be the purpose of this papar to critically examine those aspects of Sigmund Freud' s thought which seem relevant to the concerns of political philosophy by virtue of their ability to shed new and different light on such perennial problems as human nature, equality,. authority. and freedom .</p> / Master of Arts (MA)

Master of Arts (MA)

<p>International collaborations have been steadily increasing in frequency as academic institutions in the global north and south continue to make connections with each other. However, the rate of our increasing interaction is outpacing the emergence of a structural analysis aimed at minimizing the power imbalances inherent in the colonial relationship between the global north and south. As actors within international social work continue to participate in collaborations tainted by professional imperialism and epistemological hegemony, we continue to disadvantage those in the south through the formation and implementation of these partnerships. The exploration of this topic is primarily informed through the use of the author's critical reflection of an academic seminar she participated in during the summer of 2004 in Malawi Africa. It is hoped that the subsequent analysis can be used as tool to inform the development of truly equitable international partnerships.</p> / Master of Social Work (MSW)

<p>The objective of this thesis is to investigate the development of Ukrainian national communism as it has manifested itself from the period 1918 until the present. Particular emphasis i.s placed on examining its ideological dimensions and the strategic alternatives available to its proponents. Both the major political actors and political processes involved in its development are accorded separate treatment. Using a historical perspective, the technique of comparative analysis is employed in order to study the similarities and differences contained in expressions of Ukrainian national communism in the periods 1917-27 and the 1960' s.</p> / Master of Arts (MA)

<p>It is the object of this study to assess the thinking behind the actions of foreign policy decision-makers in the formulation and implementation of foreign policy. This i s done by examining the perceptions of United States decision-makers during the first year of Korean War, through a content analysis of their public speeches and communications.</p> / Master of Arts (MA)

<p>This thesis is a comparative study of Rousseau's Premier Discours and-Du Contract Social. The essay will attempt to establish the thesis that science is both indispensable and dangerous to a democratic order. Democracy, we assume, presupposes self-restraint, more specifically, the self-restraint of the few best citizens. The question then is-·does science support those virtues by which men may be persuaded to serve democracy or, quite the contrary, to destroy it?</p> / Master of Arts (MA)

<p>An examination of the position of the Overseas Chinese in South-East Asia today, and of factors which may influence their political behaviour in the future.</p> / Master of Arts (MA)

<p>Political involvement is the process of becoming active in the particular political system. One of the most important areas of involvement is the political party. Differences exist among the major Canadian parties that allow them to be placed on a left-right continuum.</p> <p>In this study, the focus is resiricted to activity in local party structures. Four variables of the party involvement process -- political socialization, recruitment, motivation and socio-economic background -- are examined here to see if there are significant differences among the three major political parties in Canada and the personnel that makes up the local executives of their organizations. An analysis of these differences is undertaken to see if they can be explained by the ideological divisions that separate the party associations.</p> / Master of Arts (MA)

<p>This thesis aims to investigate the sources from which First Year Political Science undergraduates derive their information on current political issues. The focus is on patterns of exposure to mass media, discussion of politics, and the way these relate to knowledge and opinion holding on political issues. The objective are to test within the student context hypotheses derived from study of the general population, and to consider what conclusions, if any, are suggested concerning this aspect of the political socialisation process.</p> / Master of Arts (MA)

<p>The principal theme of this study of Bertrand Russell is that from his unique position as the last of a notable line of English Whig reformers and as the "godson" of John Stuart Mill, "the saint of rationalism", he attempted to make a unique contribution to political philosophy―and failed. Half of the seventy books Russell wrote were concerned with political and social questions, and of these all but those written during his last years combine the best values of English Whiggery with nineteenth century liberal humanism and reflect Russell's endeavour to adjust to the complexities of the twentieth century. Liberal humanism permeates Russell's views concerning human nature and education, and I hope to show that these views provide unsatisfactory and ineffectual solutions to the problems Russell tackles. It is, however, when Russell considers the reconstruction of society that he is confronted with his greatest dilemma. Too wise and too honest to equate Fabian reforms and welfare programmes with socialism, his individualism and Whig background obscured the one fact which he could never bring himself truly to face: the fact of the class struggle, the irreconcilable interests of the employers and the employed. Russell's dilemma was that he had a traditional dislike of popular movements and yet knew that the effective socialist reconstruction of society would take place only through the successful outcome of the class struggle. For a brief period, he embraced the cause of revolutionary socialism, but this was primarily an emotional response, one of many political attitudes which were to conflict throughout his life with his fundamental liberalism. The result was pessimism and despair, conditions which plagued Russell and which, I believe, could have been avoided, in his politics at least, were it not for his misunderstanding of Marxism. Russell, although motivated by considerations of the highest ideals for the betterment of humanity, was essentially an individualist who increasingly despaired of mankind. Confidence in ordinary men and women, and in the justification and efficacy of mass action, may have liberated him from this dilemma. In what follows I draw attention to the enthusiasm, Vigour, and the obvious zest which Russell displayed in his periods of political activism during the First World War and during his campaigns for nuclear disarmament and civil disobedience. It was, I suggest, no coincidence that, arising from these periods of intense political activity in a popular movement of protest, Russell was to embrace, albeit briefly, the Marxist theory of class struggle and revolutionary action. Indeed, it will be maintained in this study that the lasting monument to Russell will be neither his political philosophy, nor even his work in logic and mathematics, -but -his passionate sense of commitment, and especially the activity of his last years, when he placed his entire energies and reputation in the service of the quest for a peaceful world. While most philosophers have been content to tell us what we ought to do to achieve the good, Russell, by the example of his sense of commitment, demonstrated how necessary it is to combine theory with practice. There are weaknesses in Russell's approaches, for he was a most human being, and I hope to establish that when applied to social problems his celebrated logic was often faulty, his politics naive, his individualism and emotionalism damaging to the causes he had taken up. Nevertheless, he was, indeed, "the last of the Europeans whom Socrates and Spinoza would have acknowledged as their countryman", for his compassion lights up the frequent gloom of his analysis of the human condition. <br /> <br /> It was Russell's misfortune to witness the defeat of liberal-humanist ideas and the perversion and sacrifice of socialist ideals, to live through a period of social disintegration rather than social reconstruction based on humanist principles. All the major issues of his youth that touched his compassion―oppression, intolerance, in-equality of opportunity, imperialism, and war―had in many respects intensified during his lifetime. His political mentors―Locke , Mill, and William Morris―could expect the future to justify their hopeful view of man, but it was Russell's fate to see state education at work as state indoctrination, to note with despair that enfranchised women were as unenlightened and powerless as men, and that the exploited, if given the chance, would become exploiters. "People seem good while they are oppressed but they only wish to become oppressors in their turn . . . life is nothing but a competition to be the criminal rather than the victim." <br /> <br /> These were powerful factors in the life of Bertrand Russell,which when combined with his class outlook, always at variance with his socialist humanitarianism, help us understand his essentially pessimistic view of man and his failure to adjust the liberal humanism of Mill to the realities of the twentieth century.</p> / Master of Arts (MA)