Thesis (M.P.A)--Kutztown University. / Source: Masters Abstracts International, Volume: 45-06, page: 2946. Typescript. Includes bibliographical references (leaves [117]-[119]).

This thesis deals with the origin and development of the preventive detention legislation in Bangladesh, studying its necessity, relevance and desirability based on the judicial decisions. This study shows that the preventive detention legislation in Bangladesh runs contrary to the doctrines of fundamental rights; and the prejudicial acts for future commission of which are the basis for preventive detention are categorically included in the existing penal laws and can be dealt with more efficiently. The study investigates the preventive detention legislation and its impact over the fundamental rights of the citizens analyzing the judicial decisions in Bangladesh. Four aspects are considerered in this thesis. Firstly, it studies all the preventive detention legislation, Consititutions, and relevant statutes since their inception during the British period in the Indian sub-continent which have been carried through Pakistan till today. Secondly it investigates executive decisions to reflect the usage of the preventive detention legislation and views of the courts in this regard. Thirdly it analyses the definition and concept of 'subjective satisfaction of the executive authority and 'objective satisfaction of the Court' which has been the key factor detaining individuals. And fourthly, it provides an empirical study of the available number of cases from the Register of the High Court Division of the Supreme Court of Bangladesh to draw a scenario of preventive detention cases, decisions for and against the preventive detention orders made by the Executive authority in Bangladesh.

<p> Revised foreign assistance policies of the United States Agency for International Development (USAID) now include a limited allowance to cover overhead expenses incurred by those non-governmental organizations (NGOs) that do not maintain negotiated rates with the U.S. Government. This includes local NGOs (LNGOs) newer to direct funding. The limited allowance provides a fixed maximum percentage that NGOs without a negotiated rate can apply to any U.S. Government funded program. The new limited allowance is one key element of USAID Forward, the reform initiative launched in 2010 that among other features seeks to strengthen the capacity of grant-recipient LNGOs to achieve greater impact with development programs. Nevertheless, as this thesis based on original qualitative research will show, the staff of many of LNGOs upon which USAID is focusing are unaware of the options and requirements for obtaining sufficient overhead cost coverage. The affected NGOs thus in fact operate at a disadvantage, especially in comparison with larger international NGOs (INGOs) with negotiated rates and greater financial knowledge.</p>

Questionnaires and telephone calls were used to survey registered voters after a school district maintenance and operations budget override election in which 22% of the electorate had voted. Returns from 24% of the nonvoters and 50% of the voters indicated a more supportive sample than was observed in the actual election. Other findings include: (1) Nonvoters who indicated how they would have voted responded similarly across other variables to those actually voting in that direction. (2) The majority of those favoring the override indicated a belief that education is important and is everyone's responsibility. (3) The majority of those opposing the override contended that enough money is available if there were no mismanagement of present funds and resources. (4) Parents who currently have children in District schools voted "yes", but they did not vote in large numbers and their total number is decreasing. (5) Parents whose children attend District schools rated their schools higher than parents in the 22nd Annual Gallup/Kappan Poll. (6) Nonparents in the District rated the schools lower than nonparents in the Gallup/Kappan Poll. (7) Mismanagement was considered the most serious school-related problem and drugs/alcohol the most serious society-related problem. (8) District respondents indicated less concern about drugs and discipline than the respondents in the Gallup/ Kappan Poll, but more concern about poor curriculum/poor standards, mismanagement, and lack of communication. (9) Retired members of the 50 & over group were more likely to vote "yes" than the working 50 & over members. (10) Females voted more than males and voted "yes" by larger margins. (11) District respondents gave similar answers regardless of the method used to collect information.

No description available.

No description available.

In a drive to make local government as interesting and popular as generations of Westminster's politicians have believed it ought to be, the reform of local government as become as English an obsession as the weather. Throughout the 20th century a range of subjective criteria have been developed to justify reorganisations of local government, along with increasingly complex models of how subjective measures can be used to justify change. The complex and time-consuming procedures that characterised the 1929 'review' of local government were compounded by a layer of additional complexity in the, eventually abandoned, review of 1945. By then the development of urban spatial planning as a discipline had given policy makers a renewed optimism in their ability to effect scientific change, and the complexity of post war local government reorganisation increased incrementally. The Government in 1992 and again in 2003, avoided the question of identifying what the purpose of local government was, and establishing cross-party consensus on how it might be established. Instead, local administration has become synonymous with local democracy, whilst being referred to under a generic title of 'local government'. Proposals to reform one have created concerns regarding the future of the other. This confusion, along with a general lack of interest by the general public has led to a scenario where government ministers have become defenders of the status quo, or champions of change, but rarely informed arbitors of reform. With the benefit of 170 years of evidence to draw from, objectives that stood little chance of success remain stated outcomes of local government reform. It will be shown that fanciful claims have not been consigned into the dustbin of history, but have incrementally produced heirs.

Existing research on MPs using the Internet (Halstead 2000, Perrone 2002, Ward and Gibson 2003, Jackson 2003, Ward and Lusoli 2005, Ward et al. 2005, Jackson 2005, Auty 2005, Jackson 2006b) has tended to be too reliant on content analysis; restricted to one part of the Internet, and involved limited research on the views of actual users of an MP.s online presence their views of it. This thesis seeks to identify the impact of the Internet on MPs through: their campaigning abilities; the impact on their role as representatives and how MPs communicate. The research triangulates data on the impact of websites, email, e-newsletters and weblogs through content analysis, questionnaires and interviews. The data collated has helped develop a theoretical understanding of how MPs campaign, represent and communicate. First, there is evidence that e-newsletters can be used as effective vote- winners by encouraging constituents to switch votes. This „incumbency effect. (Krasno 1994) suggests that existing research (Curtice and Steed 1997, Butler and Collins 2001) has under-estimated the effect of a personal vote (Cain et al. 1987). Second, websites and e-newsletters are helping MPs develop a new representative role, by providing an „information portal. which encourages local participation. Third, there is evidence that we are on the threshold of a new model of e-representation. MPs. use of e-newsletters appears to be developing a parallel of e-constituency which enhances the relationship geographical constituents have with their MP. At the same time, weblogs are creating a separate e-constituency whose online link to an MP is based on interest not geography. Fourth,a typology has been created for explaining how MPs use the Internet, with four different characteristics:technophobes; bandwagoners; mapie; and pioneers. The Internet is creating a new architecture of representation with both a territorial axis, and an issue axis accessible from the computer keyboard.

<p> Public Service Motivation is a leading issue in public administration literature. This study uses a mixed-methods research design and survey data to evaluate the existence of Public Service Motivation among attorneys employed by the State of Tennessee. The survey was distributed to the entire population of Tennessee-employed attorneys via e-mail and received 264 responses from 631 participants for a response rate of 41.8%. Data was collected using a survey instrument comprised of Perry&rsquo;s (1996) Public Service Motivation scale, Lewis and Frank&rsquo;s (2002) employment motivation scale, and six open-ended employment motivation questions developed by the researcher. The researcher analyzed the quantitative data using logistic regression and analyzed the qualitative data using content analysis. The quantitative analysis reveals that Perry&rsquo;s scale&mdash;attraction to policy making, commitment to the public interest, and compassion&mdash;is not a good fit for the data. Several of Lewis and Frank&rsquo;s predictor variables&mdash;provide a valuable public service, job security, high income, an interesting job, helping other people, and flexible working hours&mdash;are effective predictors. The qualitative analysis reveals that Perry&rsquo;s scale is not an effective predictor of outcomes in the survey sample, while other motivational factors provide insight, including job characteristics, organizational characteristics, and mission valence. These results demonstrate that, when public sector attorneys in Tennessee are asked to identify their motivation in their own terms, public service motivation is not a significant motivator among the group as a whole. This study contributes to the literature by extending the study of Public Service Motivation to public sector attorneys employed by the State of Tennessee, using a mixed-methods approach, and answering calls for larger sample sizes, primary data, and contextual realism. The results suggest that additional research is needed to determine why Perry&rsquo;s scale does not fit the data in this particular context.</p>

<p> The dissertation is about the significance for, and impact upon public administration of the correspondence theory of truth or veridicality, and its underlying epistemological assumptions. The underlying thesis is that, unduly influenced by the success of the natural sciences, and na&iuml;ve in accepting their claims to objectivity, many disciplines have sought to emulate them. There are two principle objections. Firstly, all other considerations aside, the supposedly objectivistic methodologies apparently applied to the explanation and prediction of the behavior of interactions of physical objects, may simply be inappropriate to certain other areas of inquiry; and more specifically objectivist methodologies are indeed inappropriate to understanding of human subjects, and their behavior, relations and interactions, and thus to public administration. The second objection is that it is of course logically impossible for any supposedly empirical discipline, as the natural sciences claim to be, to justify the belief in a supposedly objective realm of things-in-themselves existing outside, beyond, or independently of the changing, interrupted and different &lsquo;appearances&rsquo; or experiences, to which an empirical science is qua empirical, necessarily restricted. Correspondence of any empirical observations or appearances (and the consequent or presupposed theoretical explanations) to an objective realm, upon which the claim to objectivity is based, is unverifiable. </p><p> In light of the above it becomes evident that far from being objective, the natural sciences themselves, and the empirical observations upon which they are supposedly grounded, are subject to conceptual mediation and subjective interpretation; subjective and inter-subjective coherence replacing objective correspondence as the criterion of veridicality. Consequently it becomes clear that the presuppositions and prejudices of the observers enter, in the forms of concepts and preconceptions, into the very observations, and even more so into the theoretical constructions, or theories, of the natural, and indeed human and social sciences, and their claims to be authoritative and true. Subsequent discussion is then focused on both the coherence of individuals&rsquo; experiences and understanding, and their inter-subjective coherence &ndash; which both rises from and constitutes, a &ldquo;community&rdquo;. The role of language facilitates such coherence.</p>