Existing research on MPs using the Internet (Halstead 2000, Perrone 2002, Ward and Gibson 2003, Jackson 2003, Ward and Lusoli 2005, Ward et al. 2005, Jackson 2005, Auty 2005, Jackson 2006b) has tended to be too reliant on content analysis; restricted to one part of the Internet, and involved limited research on the views of actual users of an MP.s online presence their views of it. This thesis seeks to identify the impact of the Internet on MPs through: their campaigning abilities; the impact on their role as representatives and how MPs communicate. The research triangulates data on the impact of websites, email, e-newsletters and weblogs through content analysis, questionnaires and interviews. The data collated has helped develop a theoretical understanding of how MPs campaign, represent and communicate. First, there is evidence that e-newsletters can be used as effective vote- winners by encouraging constituents to switch votes. This „incumbency effect. (Krasno 1994) suggests that existing research (Curtice and Steed 1997, Butler and Collins 2001) has under-estimated the effect of a personal vote (Cain et al. 1987). Second, websites and e-newsletters are helping MPs develop a new representative role, by providing an „information portal. which encourages local participation. Third, there is evidence that we are on the threshold of a new model of e-representation. MPs. use of e-newsletters appears to be developing a parallel of e-constituency which enhances the relationship geographical constituents have with their MP. At the same time, weblogs are creating a separate e-constituency whose online link to an MP is based on interest not geography. Fourth,a typology has been created for explaining how MPs use the Internet, with four different characteristics:technophobes; bandwagoners; mapie; and pioneers. The Internet is creating a new architecture of representation with both a territorial axis, and an issue axis accessible from the computer keyboard.

Lobbyists for hire - commercial lobbyists - are a small, distinct,, accepted but minor addition to the dramatis personae of UK public policy-making. Their differentiating feature,, marking them off from other types of lobbyist., is that they are for hire and it is the feature which is the least previously researched. There is little explicit theory of commercial lobbying: it is best accounted for as an implication of neo-pluralism. Through primary fieldwork amongst them and the two groups with whom they interact - clients and decisionmakers - the nature of their hiring is analysed. They are mostly hired by large businesses and less so by public sector interests facing change. Clients show varying propensities to hire and services hired in by clients can be grouped under four headings. Commercial lobbyists are client-led and have no independent political influence. They are businesses seeking market share,, offering only what hirers want. Their work can be viewed through the prism of two ideal types: backgrounder and foregrounder. On balance, they work on the processes of policy-making rather than its contents; are less rather than more visible in the policy process; more reactive than proactive in their client relationships. They have a range of negative and positive relationships with decision-makers, who accept them in terms of supplying information otherwise difficult to access. There is no demonstrated methodology for evaluating their contribution to policy outcomes. The data suggests that this contribution is minor. But this 'minor' conclusion has to be qualified when looked at from the hirers' viewpoint: for them the hiring may help yield competitive advantage. Commercial lobbyists are corporate accessories and the source of any concern about their practices and about asymmetrical access to decision-makers lies in the nature of their relationships with other more substantial players in the UK policy process. Their role will be better understood if this process is more transparent and open.

Thesis (M.Soc.Sc.)--University of Hong Kong, 1988. / Also available in print.