<p> The occurrence of inflight medical incidents on commercial airlines is documented in medical and aviation journals to occur at a rate of approximately 1 in 11,000 &ndash; 50,000 passengers (Lyznicki, 2013; Prout, 2013; Johanson, 2013; and Peterson, 2013) but these numbers can vary. As there are no requirements to report medical incidents to any governing body worldwide (Ruskin, 2009), (Walters, 2008), (Liao, 2010) it is very difficult to obtain an accurate accounting of inflight incidents. The literature reveals that most of the inflight incidents are occurring among passengers with pre-existing conditions (Grounder, 2011) and that issues were not being properly addressed by their primary care providers. The purpose of this study was to show the depth of discrepancy between the currently reported rate of inflight medical incidents and the actual rate of inflight incidents and to gain a better understanding of the general public knowledge base regarding flying with medical conditions and practice of medical providers addressing their patient&rsquo;s acute &amp; chronic conditions as it pertains to flying on commercial airlines. This study surveyed the general public and revealed the majority of respondents had no knowledge of medical guidelines for passengers and a lack of discussion with their providers regarding safety of flying as it relates to their medical conditions. This study also conducted a survey of medical providers which revealed a lack of understanding of how aircraft cabin pressurization affects their patients with acute and chronic illness. These findings support the need for improvement in developing and implementing a unified method of calculating and reporting inflight medical incidents, along with patient and provider flight education.</p>

<p> Although women obtain degrees in the fields of Science, Technology, Engineering, and Mathematics (STEM) at lower rates than their male counterparts, this difference does not alone account for the similarly large disparity of men and women working in STEM jobs. Using data from the American Community Survey for 2015, I run a survey of models, including linear and logistic regressions as well as propensity matching, to investigate the extent to which women are underrepresented, even after accounting for education. The results show that for women, the benefit of a STEM degree on STEM job placement rates is significantly lower than it is for their male counterparts; in some estimates, the effect is halved. The models diverge somewhat on the extent to which this is correlated with a lower baseline of women without STEM degrees working STEM jobs (compared to similar men), but all provide grounds to reject the notion that workforce disparity is attributable solely or even primarily to education.</p>

<p> This dissertation analyzes administrative discretion in public policy implementation in application of a new framework of integrative approach to administrative discretion developed from deficiencies of the citizen participation, representative bureaucracy, and private-interest groups democracy frameworks. The new framework holds that public agencies use discretion to integrate in decision making views of elected authorities, private-interest groups, public-interest groups, and other groups that seek to influence implementation. The No Child Left Behind (NCLB) policy is used as the case study, and the U.S. Department of Education (DOE) is the implementation setting. The dissertation answers the following question: How integrative of group views was DOE&rsquo;s discretionary decision making in the implementation of NCLB? This research applies a structured content analysis method that consists of content analysis and a content analysis schedule (see Jauch, Osborn, &amp; Martin, 1980). Using a Likert question, the dissertation developed six integration levels of DOE&rsquo;s discretionary decision making from not at all integrative to extremely integrative and found that most decisions were very integrative.</p>

<p> After the kidnapping and murder of his son Adam in 1981, John Walsh dedicated his life to advocating for missing children. He became the forerunner of a movement to change the laws of the country so that no parent or child would have to suffer through the same events his family endured. The media frenzy surrounding the case, as well as John Walsh&rsquo;s efforts to make child endangerment and missing children a national issue, helped influence and alter the way the public views the issues of child safety, child kidnapping, and the offenders that harm these children. This research analyzed newspaper articles involving the Adam Walsh murder, and examined rhetorical patterns based on ideas of the social construction of reality, folk devils and moral panics. This research revealed five rhetorical themes the media used when discussing the Adam Walsh case: vulnerability of the victim, description of the offender and crime, transformation of John Walsh, America&rsquo;s lost childhood innocence and the evolution of the criminal justice system. Results showed repeated pattern of descriptive language emphasizing Adam&rsquo;s age for innocence and vulnerability, a distinct evolution of John Walsh as a moral entrepreneur and an overall loss of innocence and safety felt amongst parents and children. </p><p> This research revealed that the legislation developed and passed has been influenced by fear pervasive in society, rather than criminal data. The findings suggests that federal legislation needs to be modified so that there is less invasion into the lives of nonviolent offenders that are less likely to recidivate.</p>

<p> For the past several decades income and wealth inequality in the United States have increased dramatically, but policies to reduce inequality are often not politically feasible. Many scholars see this state of affairs as a &ldquo;paradox,&rdquo; arguing that, in a well-functioning democracy, an increase in economic inequality ought to lead to increased support for redistributive governmental programs aimed at reducing it. Research since 2008 attempts to explain this apparent paradox by arguing that although Americans are acutely concerned about economic inequality the continued lack of government action is due to structural barriers that prevent policy from reflecting the &ldquo;will of the people.&rdquo; However, methodological problems cast doubt on these conclusions. </p><p> I make use of analytic methods that address these issues and show that, despite the claims of past research, there is no politically meaningful relationship between Americans concerns for inequality and their desire for the government to take action. I first use a form of dynamic factor analysis to develop a measure of national concern for inequality over time and then use this new construct to answer the question which underlies previous work: when Americans become more concerned about inequality, do they subsequently become more supportive of government action? Using an error correction model I find that an increase in national concern for inequality concern does not lead to increased support for more government intervention in the economy. </p><p> My results suggest that even when Americans become especially outraged over economic inequality, there is no guarantee that they will flock en mass to liberal parties and policies for answers. During periods of heightened concern for inequality the &ldquo;will of the people&rdquo; may in fact be more likely to support reduced government intervention in the economy. I argue that, in order to truly understand the political implications of American views on inequality, researchers and advocates should stop assuming that concern for inequality is necessarily associated with liberal policy views, and start exploring the ways in which different policies and ideological positions can be coupled to the problem of inequality at different times, and for different people.</p>

Since the implementation of the National Collegiate Athletic Association’s (NCAA) Academic Progress Rate (APR), Historically Black Colleges & Universities’ (HBCU) male student athletes have disproportionately received more APR academic penalties than other groups of athletes (NCAA, 2016b). Each Division I team receives an APR score based on athletes’ eligibility and retention as a means to monitor graduation (Paskus, 2015). Calculating each team’s score, the NCAA uses a cut score to guide the distribution of penalties (Blackman, 2008; New, 2015). Penalties are sanctioned to teams that fail to meet the designated cut score. However, Black colleges have historically lagged behind predominantly White institutions in regards to equal resources (Ashe, 1988b). Consequently, the distribution of APR penalties is disproportionately greater at institutions with limited resources, e.g. HBCUs (NCAA, 2015b; NCAA, 2017e). Imposing uniform academic standards across member institutions disadvantages HBCUs and their athletes and conflicts with the intent of the APR metric — which was to increase graduation rates for all athletes (Harrison, 2012; Paskus, 2012). The exploratory analysis in this study found that the NCAA was not fully enforcing the APR penalty system. During the first five years of APR implementation, fewer HBCU male teams were below the 900 threshold compared to non-HBCU male teams. However, HBCU male teams disproportionately received more severe APR penalties compared to non-HBCU male teams with comparable multi-year APR scores. This study sought to investigate the action-policy-conflict to determine: whether the NCAA’s enforcement of APR penalties had an empirical relationship with graduation rates for penalized Division I male teams; whether a differential relationship exists between graduation rates and penalties assigned to HBCU male teams; and what would the impact of APR penalties on graduation rates be if the NCAA had fully enforced the APR penalty system for all teams below the benchmark (intent-to-treat)? To answer the research questions, the NCAA’s publicly accessible APR and Graduation Success Rate (GSR) databases, and the National Center for Education Statistic’s Integrated Postsecondary Education Data System (IPEDS) were used as data sources. Multiple regression analysis was used to predict the relationship between APR penalties and six-year team graduation rates for the academic years of 2005-2006 and 2009-2010. Results of the study found that in the first year (2005-2006) and towards the latter year (2009-2010) of the original APR penalty system, historical penalties were not statistically significant predictors on six-year team graduation rates. Although HBCU male teams disproportionately received more historical penalties than non-HBCU male teams with similar multi-year APR scores, the penalties had no differential impact on the six-year team graduation rates for HBCU male teams. Had the NCAA fully enforced historical penalties to all teams below the 900 cut score, receiving the penalty would not have been a statistically significant predictor on Division I male team graduation rates for the two years of interest in the study. The results from the study are thought to be the first empirical study to examine the NCAA’s APR penalty system (Harrison, 2012; Paskus, 2012). This study provides empirically supported recommendations for the NCAA to consider if the APR penalty system is continued. / A Dissertation submitted to the Department of Educational Leadership and Policy Studies in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. / Spring Semester 2018. / April 9, 2018. / Academic Performance Program, Academic Progress Rate, Academic Reform, Historically Black Colleges & Universities, Multiple Regression, National Collegiate Athletic Association / Includes bibliographical references. / Robert Schwartz, Professor Directing Dissertation; John Taylor, University Representative; Stacey Rutledge, Committee Member; Toby Park, Committee Member.

Nearly 30 states have adopted or are transitioning to performance-based funding programs for community colleges that allocate funding based on institutional performance according to defined metrics. While embraced by state lawmakers and promoted by outside advocacy groups as a method to improve student outcomes, enhance accountability and ensure return on investment of public resources in higher education, limited research exists confirming the effectiveness of performance-based funding in meeting intended policy goals. The policy analysis examined performance-based funding programs administered in Florida as the status quo and Ohio as the policy alternative. Prompted by their Governors, both states recently developed new approaches to performance-based funding that move funding away from enrollment and tie substantial amounts to student outcomes. To provide a context for the policy analysis, the study chronicled the history of performance-based funding and accountability programs for higher education enacted by states and reviewed policymaking processes and influences. The study applied a multi-goal approach to compare the policy alternatives applied in each state. Although it is still too early to assess the effectiveness of the performance-based funding programs in both states, the review of both system and institutional level performance data and interviews with stakeholders in Ohio revealed little to no connection between the intended program goals and behaviors exhibited by colleges. Based on the study findings, policy recommendations were proposed to enhance the effectiveness of the performance-based funding program for the Florida College System. / A Dissertation submitted to the Department of Educational Leadership and Policy Studies in partial fulfillment of the Doctor of Education. / Spring Semester 2016. / March 25, 2016. / Appropriations, Community college, Funding, KPIs, Performance, Performance-based funding / Includes bibliographical references. / Thomas Kent Wetherell, Professor Directing Dissertation; Frances Prevatt, University Representative; David A. Tandberg, Committee Member; Bradley E. Cox, Committee Member.

<p> On October 1, 2013, the most visible component of the Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act (Public Law 111-148) (ACA) went live. Health insurance marketplaces provided residents with a place to shop and receive subsidies for insurance plans that contained the essential health benefits required by the ACA. The ACA required each state to establish an exchange, but it also provided flexibility so if a state elected not to (or could not) build its own, the federal government would implement the marketplace. <b></b>A handful of states chose a hybrid implementation, which used the federal HealthCare.gov website but left certain decisions to the states. In the end, twice as many states chose to use the federal HealthCare.gov website compared to states that created a state-based marketplace and website. This trifurcated approach to implementing the health insurance marketplaces where residents were either served by a federally-facilitated, state-based, or hybrid marketplace, provides a unique situation for comparison and analysis relating to federalism and public policy implementation. </p><p> This policy analysis examines the implementation of the ACA&rsquo;s health insurance marketplaces in all 50 states and the District of Columbia. It discusses enrollment success during the first five open enrollment periods across all three marketplace types. </p><p> Among the federally-facilitated, state-based, or hybrid marketplaces, was one type more successful than the others at enrolling residents in health insurance? What factors may have played a role in success or failure? This study discusses the ACA marketplaces as a case study in federalism and public policy implementation.</p><p>

<p> This dissertation is composed of three essays on the future of money. The first chapter addresses bitcoin&rsquo;s high price volatility relative to established currencies such as the U.S. dollar. Supply is fixed by a monetary rule; whereas demand fluctuates considerably. The intersection of bitcoin&rsquo;s inelastic supply with its enormously erratic demand causes its exchange rate variability. I explore two ways to make the bitcoin supply elastic: 1) change the bitcoin protocol to create or destroy bitcoins based on a macroeconomic algorithm, 2) create and maintain bitcoin banks that issue fractional reserve deposits, banknotes, or electronic tokens redeemable for bitcoin. </p><p> The second chapter provides a blueprint for implementing bitcoin as a national currency in the context of either dollarizing or a currency board. Implementation issues unique to digital currencies are explored. Candidate countries for transition are evaluated. </p><p> The third chapter analyzes the costs vs. benefits of financial privacy, against the backdrop of historical trends, current laws, and recent technology. Governments and corporations are tracking purchase history through credit cards and store loyalty cards. Guardians of bank secrecy have caved to government surveillance all over the world, ostensibly to fight crime and collect taxes. Aggregating this information, big data analytics can infer and disclose intimate personal details.</p><p>

This dissertation investigates the political incentives for redistribution of income and allocation policies in competitive democracies. In Chapter 2, I examine incentives for political redistribution through in-kind transfers. By analyzing the political game between office-motivated politicians and self-interested citizens, I first show that in economies with competitive markets in-kind transfers are not required. Politicians can win elections targeting groups of voters with differential cash transfers. However, in-kind transfers arise in the presence of externalities in consumption. In that case, targeting groups of voters with in-kind rather than cash transfers allows politicians to attract simultaneously voters in additional groups with the same amount of resources. Politicians undertake political redistribution depending on the expected electoral returns obtained from targeting both cash and in-kind transfers into different groups. Furthermore, electoral competition leads the economy to achieve Pareto efficient allocations that markets cannot reach. Politicians internalize the presence of external effects when competing for marginal voters who could swing their vote. In Chapter 3, this dissertation investigates the politicians' incentives to pursue income redistribution when governments are constrained to levy taxes on labor income and this creates distortions. Politicians who strive to be elected may strategically redistribute through in-kind rather than cash transfers and overprovide consumption of goods. I show that the overprovision of in-kind transfers reduces the disincentive effects of taxation in labor effort and enlarges the pool of resources for political redistribution. As a result, politicians are able to implement larger redistributive transfers and improve the well-being of swing voters. Hence, electoral competition for pivotal voters provides politicians incentives to implement redistributive schedules that reduce distortions in labor markets and improve the efficiency of the taxation system. In Chapter 4, I investigate the effect of ideological preferences over the public provision of goods on the scope of government and the political redistribution of income. I first point out that the presence of both ideological politicians who compete for office and electoral uncertainty generates a partisanship effect. In particular, I show that pro-market (right-wing) politicians commit to lower public provision of goods and taxation schedules that implement larger income inequality than pro-government (left-wing) politicians. Furthermore, I find out that the public funding of goods through income taxation confers an electoral advantage to pro-market ideological positions. In fact, pro-market politicians can court moderate pro-leftist voters by promises of higher income which pro-government politicians are not willing to fund completely. As a result, right-wing party exhibits larger chances of winning elections and its proposal supports lower ideological sacrifice than the left-wing party.