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The number of motor vehicle accidents that occur as a result of driving while talking on mobile devices increases each year. Distracted driving is dangerous; however, policy researchers have not focused on adults who talk on mobile devices as they drive children to and from daily events. This study focused on the experiences of soccer parents, an important focus because of soccer's year-long duration that requires a large amount of driving in addition to the other daily tasks of parenting. The purpose of this phenomenological study was to investigate the perceptions of parents of child soccer players regarding the motivations for and risks of talking on mobile devices while driving. The theoretical framework for this phenomenological study was the self-determination theory. Data were collected by electronic surveys using a convenience sample of 10 couples and 4 single parents of children who play soccer for a team in a southern state. Data were analyzed using the constant comparative method in which patterns were identified and coded into themes. The key findings were that the parents had different perceptions of the risks and motivations for talking on mobile devices while driving. There were participants who viewed talking on mobile devices as risky while others did not perceive talking on mobile devices while driving as a risk. Recommendations include conducting further research on parents who drive children to and from soccer practices, while talking on mobile devices, in order to gain better understanding of what motivates people to choose to talk on mobile devices while driving. The implications for positive social change include informing policy makers about the importance of increasing awareness and educating the public about the risks of talking on mobile devices while driving.

Innovative approaches to communicating with the masses continue to evolve in the private sector, while accessibility of goods, services, and public information within federal, state, and local government organizations has been declining for decades. This situation has resulted in a lack of trust and sense of isolation from communities. At the same time, the implementation and use of social media have increased exponentially. Despite the simultaneous occurrence of these events, limited research has explored the connection between them. Specifically, the purpose of this case study was to address the central research question of whether the adoption of social media platforms results in increased accessibility of goods and services within the public sector. Rogers's diffusion of innovations theory founded the framework for this study. Data were collected within a local government organization through semistructured interviews with 15 employees and 15 clients, observations of daily operations, and analyses of postings made on selected social media platforms. Inductive coding and a comparative method of analysis generated emerging themes and patterns. Key findings of this study indicated significant increases in public accessibility of goods and services as the result of the implementation and use of social media. Relative to diffusion of innovations theory, findings illustrated the spread of new technology through certain channels among employees and clients. Recommendations focus on establishing strategies to ensure widespread diffusion of social media and to address socioeconomic disparities. Government agencies can use this research as a means to advance social change through open communication, an engaged workforce, and increased transparency.

This dissertation analyzes the conditions under which individual environmental behaviors, government environmental regulations, and collaborative environmental policy networks occur. Although numerous studies have investigated these various types of environmental engagements, they tend to rely on general assumptions with major limitations. The first essay of this dissertation tests the effects of an individual’s environmental attitudes on private environmental behavior, instrumenting for the endogeneity of attitude measures. The second essay studies the predictors of city governments’ adoption of flexible environmental regulations, based on the new perspective that pro-environmental institutions can be tools for economic growth. The first essay examines the causal relationships between individuals’ environmental attitude and their environmental behavior. Unlike the prevalent approach in the literature assuming the direct causal relationship of environmental attitude to behavior, I propose a new model that presents an instrument for the endogenous attitude measures. Empirical results are mixed. People who are more concerned about climate change are more likely to use green products, while they do not recycle more. These diverging results of the two behavioral variables considered to be the most environmental suggest substantial differences among the private environmental actions. Environmental attitudes consistently predict certain environmental behaviors, but they have no effect on other environmental behaviors. In addition, the positive and significant effects of environmental attitudes on some non-environmental private actions indicate the possibility of the social desirability bias of attitude measures. The overall results show that the causal effects of environmental attitudes on environmental behaviors are not simple and consistent as generally assumed. The second essay studies the reasons for the different levels in the city governments’ adoption of energy-efficient land-use policies. Extant work presumes a conflicting and competing relationship between economic growth and environmental conservation. My approach differs from traditional presumption by looking at environmental land-use plans as the institutional tools for economic development. This essay tests the hypothesis that cities that need green business to achieve their economic prosperity would implement more environmentally friendly land-use plans. The estimated effect shows that the more important the green business is for the city’s economic growth, the more likely the city will adopt general energy-efficient land-use plans. The empirical results in the second essay show that the different levels of adopting environmental institutions in the cities can be explained by diverse paths to achieving the economic growth of each city. / A Dissertation submitted to the Department of Political Science in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. / Spring Semester 2019. / April 11, 2019. / Environmental attitude, Environmental behavior, Environmental policy, Institutions, Policy networks, Survey research / Includes bibliographical references. / Eric A. Coleman, Professor Directing Dissertation; Christopher Coutts, University Representative; Brad T. Gomez, Committee Member; Matthew T. Pietryka, Committee Member.

In 2015, 78% of Detroit's city council was African American--the highest percentage in the country. For decades, there had been an assumption in the academic and activist fields that a legislative body with such a high percentage of minority presence would produce incredible policy gains for that group (i.e. African American Detroiters). Instead, the council passed no Black racial policy. In a city where there were ostensibly no barriers for passing racial policy -- there were no subsequent policy gains. Though running contrary to existing scholarship, Detroit is not an anomaly; it is an indicator of the larger trend. Using a mixed methods approach, I consider the impact of descriptive representation (i.e. presence of a minority group) on representation in policy (i.e. policy outcomes). The thesis that emerges from my examination is that the relationship between descriptive representation and representation in policy is not static, as has been suggested, but dynamic. The amount of representation in policy that a group achieves is a function of descriptive representation, but the relationship is not linear. More descriptive representation does not always predict more representation in policy. And indeed, cities with the most descriptive representation often have relatively low levels of representation in policy. This work challenges the current body of literature and calls for substantial revision of seminal theory.

There is convincing evidence in the literature that the civil war fought in Sierra Leone beginning in 1991 was the result of social and political grievances between the 3 dominant ethnic groups, Krio, Mende, and Temne. Hitherto, there were no studies which explored their collaboration on postconflict sustainable peacebuilding efforts. By closely examining the political behaviors of these groups, this qualitative expert study was designed to create understanding of how collaboration between them supported postconflict sustainable peace-building efforts. Data consisted of observational notes and semistructured interviews of 21 Sierra Leonean experts living in the United States. Data were analyzed using the method of content analysis and cross-verified through the process of data source triangulation. Results indicate the 3 dominant groups have divergent political ideologies, views, practices, and participations. However, it was also found they have convergent national interest in supporting sustainable peacebuilding in Sierra Leone. The results may change how sustainable peace-building initiatives are conceptualized through ethnic group collaboration. The contention of this study is that the nexus between development and security in a nation emerging from conflict is ethnic group cooperation. Hence, implications for social change are linked to opening new channels for discourse between dominant ethnic groups in a conflict-prone nation to avoid future conflicts. Therefore, knowledge from this study may be useful for governments, policy makers, the United Nations, and the international community at large because their actions may run parallel to ethnic group dynamics.

Veterans treatment courts (VTCs) and agencies that work with veterans experiencing posttraumatic stress and substance use disorders have been unable to provide evidence-based treatment that includes veterans' families in recovery and treatment. This limitation has resulted in treatment gaps that appear to have had an adverse impact on veterans and their families. The purpose of this qualitative content analysis was to examine the formulation of AB 2371, a 2012 legislative amendment to California code PC 1170.9, and evaluate whether lawmakers considered family-oriented treatment in passing the amendment. Schneider and Ingram's theory of social construction of target populations constituted the theoretical foundation. The focus of the central research question was on the consideration given during the formulation and implementation of AB 2371 that resulted in exclusion of families from eligibility for treatment in VTCs. Data consisted of publicly available documents from 4 years before and 2 years after enactment of AB 2371. Data were collected and analyzed in a manner consistent with Dunn's policy analysis framework. Data were analyzed through selective coding using a continuous, iterative process and were critically evaluated to determine whether legislative and administrative considerations may have affected the social construct of care for veterans and their families. Findings show that children and families were not considered in the initial policy inputs related to the formulation of AB 2371. A recommendation stemming from this study includes advising policy makers, VTCs, and service providers to support the inclusion of families and children in the VTC service matrix, which may result in positive social change by improving recovery and treatment for veterans.

Decades before the elimination of gender restrictions in the U.S. military, ground combat was an equal opportunity issue for women. Direct combat units, such as infantry and artillery, are now open to female enlistment. The purpose of this study was to examine the efforts, challenges and/or successes, of incorporating women into a U.S. Army combat brigade in a single state. The frame-critical approach was used to outline the competing arguments between supporters and opponents of women in combat. The research questions guiding the study included how gender integration is perceived with regards to strength and survivability of the unit, and how future conflict will govern decisions about sending women into combat. A qualitative case study was employed with semi structured interviews with commanders of the combat brigade, given their proximity to the issue and responsibility in the implementation process. The selected brigade was serving as the initial test bed of evaluation for the rest of the state's combat units. The data collected via the interviews were cross-checked with documentary data including declassified memorandums, technical reports, and execution orders. During the analysis phase, the data were organized and coded to identify themes related to the experiences of the command structure. Overall, the officers were supportive of the policy mandate and expressed viewpoints that validated both oppositional and advocacy arguments. The implications for social change include how the military is working to validate performance standards to positively influence policy on gender integration, and the combat brigade utilized in this study is an example for the rest of the United States as it is slated to have the most female recruits for combat positions than any other state beginning in 2017.

Following 16 years of war in Afghanistan the number of U.S. military, Coalition forces and Afghan civilian fatalities has exceeded the number of Americans lost on 9/11 and has cost the United States nearly $841 billion dollars. The results are that Afghanistan remains in turmoil and that terrorist attacks, the reason for the invasion, continues. The question is should United States assess a different approach that would result in less blood and treasure being spent to address the need to mitigate terrorist threats. Guided by the analysis of conventional- centric and asymmetric-centric approaches to a counterterrorism strategy, this qualitative study focused on evaluating the effects of U.S. national strategy for the Afghanistan war between 2001 and 2016. A narrative inquiry was employed that used extensive in-depth interviews with five implementers and five recipients of the American strategy based in Afghanistan. The participants were recruited from the U.S. Special Forces community that implemented American strategy in Afghanistan, and from Afghans that experienced the American strategy firsthand. Data were analyzed by employing an inductive coding method. The literature review revealed an intention to use large military forces to conduct a conventional-centric counterterrorism strategy, but the narrative inquiry revealed a negative effect of the conventional-centric counterterrorism strategy. Though more research in this area is needed the implications from the findings for positive social change that an asymmetric-centric strategy could offer as a possible effective solution for countering terrorism. These recommendations may help national strategy developers develop a structure to develop future counterterrorism strategies.

Teen dating violence is a national epidemic with prevalence similar to levels of adult dating and domestic violence. Some states order of protection laws currently fails to protect most teen victims experiencing dating violence. The purpose of this experimental, quantitative study was to determine to what extent domestic violence statutes impact the reporting of teen dating violence in states that provide statutory protection of teen dating violence victims. The advocacy coalition framework was used for the study's theoretical foundation. The research questions focused on differences between the strength of state's advocacy coalition programs, and the prevalence of female teens reporting dating violence. One-way ANOVAs and Games-Howell post hoc tests were used to analyze existing data acquired from Center for Disease Control 2011 State Youth Risk Behavioral Survey of 39,184 high school females from 43 states; 2010 Break the Cycle State Law Report Cards, and 2011-2015 Domestic Violence Counts: National Census of Domestic Violence Services. Findings indicate a statistically significant difference between states that do not provide statutory protection for teen victims and states that do provide statutory protection (p < .001) and implied that stronger state advocacy and coalition programs resulted in higher reported incidents of physical dating violence among female teens. Implications for positive social change include recommendations to lawmakers and crime prevention specialists to consider changes in domestic violence statutes to protect teen victims, provide specific statutory remedy for teen victims and reduce the frequency of teen dating violence as result of increased reporting.