This dissertation examines the politics of local social policy making following Brazil's re-democratization. Decentralization in Brazil granted municipalities responsibility to design and tailor social policies to meet local demands. Yet instead of developing their own programs many governments chose to adopt those made famous elsewhere. What accounts for the diffusion of innovations across Brazil? This dissertation tests three approaches for understanding policy makers' emulation decisions: political incentives, ideology, and socialized norms. Each of these three motivations reflects a different paradigmatic response to the question, what drives political behavior? A conventional political incentives approach follows a rational choice framework that incorporates neoclassical behavioral assumptions and posits people will behave strategically to further their own self-interest. The classic assumption in this vein is that politicians will seek to win re-election. On the other hand, scholars who adopt an ideational approach examine the way people make choices because of their ideological convictions. Rather than seek their own political self-interest, actors can make decisions in spite of themselves or others because of deeply held beliefs about what is right and how to enact social change. Lastly, a sociological approach examines how individuals conform to shared norms and seek legitimacy in the eyes of their colleagues. To test these motivational approaches I examine the diffusion of Bolsa Escola, an education program, and Programa Saúde da Família, a family health program. Evidence for my argument is based on statistical event history analysis and qualitative case study research from four exemplary cities. The electoral incentives approach offers a surprisingly weak explanation for the diffusion of innovative social policies. Rather, diffusion occurs when elected executives feel ideologically compelled to replicate programs and when policy professionals engaged in relevant networks seek to demonstrate their adherence to professional norms. Both ideology and social networks can work together in mutually reinforcing ways to promote diffusion. / text

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Drawing upon insights of dominant ‘mainstream’ welfare state theories and models, and those of their feminist critiques, this study examines two pairs of similar welfare states, Sweden and Norway (two ‘social democratic’, Nordic welfare states), and Germany and France (two ‘conservative’, continental welfare states). The focus is on two central social policy domains; family policy and labour market policy. The study determines the characterizations of each welfare regime type and level of woman-friendliness. Sweden and Norway both welfare states fit in Esping-Andersen’s initial social democratic welfare state regime type. However, with the inclusion of gender as an analytic variable the classification as a social democratic nation is somewhat problematic. With levels of woman-friendliness considerably higher in Sweden compared to Norway. Germany remains true to its original classification as an ideal conservative welfare state with low levels of woman-friendliness. Yet, France can be said to be moderately conservative and moderately woman-friendly.

Drawing upon insights of dominant ‘mainstream’ welfare state theories and models, and those of their feminist critiques, this study examines two pairs of similar welfare states, Sweden and Norway (two ‘social democratic’, Nordic welfare states), and Germany and France (two ‘conservative’, continental welfare states). The focus is on two central social policy domains; family policy and labour market policy. The study determines the characterizations of each welfare regime type and level of woman-friendliness. Sweden and Norway both welfare states fit in Esping-Andersen’s initial social democratic welfare state regime type. However, with the inclusion of gender as an analytic variable the classification as a social democratic nation is somewhat problematic. With levels of woman-friendliness considerably higher in Sweden compared to Norway. Germany remains true to its original classification as an ideal conservative welfare state with low levels of woman-friendliness. Yet, France can be said to be moderately conservative and moderately woman-friendly.

This thesis draws on Esping-Andersen’s welfare regimes typology while incorporating new theoretical insights that extend its application to intra-provincial social policy analyses in Canada. We examine the jurisdictions of Québec, Alberta, and Manitoba across the domain of housing policy and attempt to ‘locate’ each province within the typology and account for the provincial variations observed. Québec was expected to approximate a ‘social-democratic’ model and Alberta was expected to approximate an ‘ultra-liberal’ approach. The expected ‘location’ of Manitoba was less certain but the longstanding social democratic provincial government (NDP) suggested that its approach might be closer to that in Quebec. Housing policy measures were selected on the basis of their capacity to support the process of de-commodification and evaluated on their eligibility criteria and the level of benefits provided. Housing policy measures in Québec, Alberta, and Manitoba generally ‘fit’ within their expected ‘locations’. However, some unexpected and contradictory findings in the areas of eligibility criteria and the level of benefit provided were also found.

The exercise of police powers is subject to rules and guidelines, and the event of police powers has occasioned considerable controversy since the inception of the 'new police'. On the one hand, the police clearly need powers to stop people on the street if they are suspected of a crime, to enter people's houses if they suspect that they are hiding stolen goods or firearms and to arrest people they suspect of a crime. They need to be able to interview suspects in the police station and may have to hold suspects in cells. On the other hand, individual citizens need to be able to carry on with their everyday lives without risking being stopped on the streets, having their homes ransacked by the police and being arrested and taken to the police station. Suspects must be protected from torture, brutality and the extraction of false confessions. Special protection may be afforded to vulnerable groups such as the young and mentally ill. Legislation on police powers, therefore, must balance conflicting needs. Saudi Arabia the Stop, Arrest, Detention and Custody Regulation (SADC) was set up in 1983. The regulation provided powers relating to stop and search, arrest, detention. interviewing, and the investigation of crimes It seeks to protect suspects from the abuse of such powers by granting to suspects certain rights and protections. In practice, however, the balance between the use of the powers and suspects' rights is different. The police appear to exceed their powers as they provided and the safeguards are ignored. Therefore, the question is, how do the pre-trial procedures work in practice? No research has been done to examine the pre-trial process in practice in Saudi Arabia. Data collection for the study as carried out using three methods: questionnaire, observation and documentary data from police files. In this research variations have been found between the official regulation and actual police practice.

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Issued also in microfilm form in 1954 as thesis, Columbia University. / Includes bibliographical references.

Issued also in microfilm form in 1954 as thesis, Columbia University. / Includes bibliographical references.