In this essay I have investigated and analysed the legal framework concerning the possibilities for making exemptions from the prohibition of discrimination in the labor market. I have used the legal dogmathic method in order to get a full review of the existing sources of law. I have presented the principle of equality within the EU aswell as a review of the national Discrimination Act in Swedish legislation. Furthermore, some attention has been given the different forms of exemption rules that exists. During the essay, it has been established that the impact from the court practise from the Court of Justice of the EU in this area is of a great significance for the judgements and legislation in Sweden. It has also been established that the principle of proportionality plays a big part in the assesment of whether an act is to be considered as discriminatory or if it constitutes a legal exemption from the prohibition of discrimination.

This thesis examines the federal governmentâs current approach to HIV/AIDS prevention in the United States. In 2010, President Obama released the National HIV/AIDS Strategy (NHAS) to direct and to align the nationâs collective HIV/AIDS efforts through 2020. While many institutions and actors are involved with this effort, the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) is the lead federal agency responsible for HIV prevention. The NHAS vision emphasizes the role that structural factors play in contributing to our nationâs HIV/AIDS burden. However, the CDCâs prevention strategies revolve around individual-level interventions, like behavior modification programs, rather than structural interventions, like policy advocacy. The CDC enables our countryâs HIV/AIDS burden because its individually focused prevention strategies do not adequately map onto the structural-level factors that predominately contribute to the burden. First, I use qualitative data techniques (semi-structured interviews and literature reviews) to show that the CDCâs current behavioral interventions are not suitable for any population because they reflect an over-privileging of scientific authority, evidence-based methodology, and Westernized individualism. Second, I use quantitative data techniques (original statistic regression analyses) to evaluate how well the CDCâs current prevention programs map onto HIV risk factors. My findings revealed that structural-level factors contribute to more variation in HIV incidence rates compared to individual-level factors. Specifically, high school graduation had the largest relative effect on reducing HIV incidence rates, which suggests education has a protective effect on preventing HIV incidence. Third, I provide actionable strategies on how to improve the CDCâs HIV/AIDS prevention efforts within the current HIV/AIDS budget limitations. This section also includes specific policy recommendations detailing the importance of emphasizing education policy as health policy, and more specifically, education policy as HIV prevention policy. To ground my research in real world application, I provide case illustrations of the U.S. South where HIV incidence is currently highest. Ultimately, this thesis argues that order to realize the NHAS goals of reducing HIV/AIDS rates and HIV/AIDS-related disparities, the federal government must better align its interventions with the structural factors that predominately contribute to HIV rates.

This thesis illuminates the ways that medicalization of female sexual desire disorder lends authority to and is legitimized by heteronormative, patriarchal sexual norms. The Food and Drug Administrationâs approval of Flibanserin, a drug intended to treat this disorder, solidifies low libidoâs classification as a medical dysfunction. Through a review of relevant biomedical literature and semi-structured interviews with ten women who have low libido, I demonstrate that this disorderâs medicalization strips women of their subjectivity and disregards the contextual factors that influence sexual desire and attitudes toward sex. This thesis relies upon social constructionist approaches to conceptualize sexuality, underscoring the biomedical approachâs failure to account for the complex sociocultural expectations that shape understandings of sexual normalcy. The first section of this thesis employs feminist critiques to problematize conventional understandings of female sexuality and to reveal that female sexual desire disorder represents an additional attempt to exert social control over womenâs bodies. The second section analyzes interviews with a nurse practitioner working for a womenâs sexual health clinic and the manager of an adult entertainment store to exemplify medicalized and non-medicalized treatments of low libido. The third and final section examines interview data from ten women with low libido, revealing that their low libido-induced distress stems from their self-perceived inability to meet the sociocultural expectations required for successful romantic relationships. Ultimately, I argue medicalization legitimizes the idea that womenâs sexualitiesâand not the narrow constructions of normalcy with which they must attempt to align themselvesâexist as the primary issue necessitating alteration.

Since the attacks on September 11, 2001, Muslims in the United States and United Kingdom have been the targets of Islamophobia: unwavering scrutiny, discrimination, and being made to feel like âothers.â I use mixed methods of literature review, qualitative interviews, and quantitative analysis to argue that this Islamophobia affects the health of Muslims. I draw primarily from the concepts of orientalism and biological citizenship to link history with contemporary Islamophobia. My main qualitative findings include that there are highly significant studies linking Islamophobia and perceived discrimination with objective health outcomes and that there are three main levels that contribute to the overall perceived discrimination of Muslims. These three levels are interpersonal, community, and societal-level discrimination. Through quantitative analysis, I show that with confounding variables aside, Muslims experience more discrimination than similar non-Muslims, which leads to adverse mental and self-reported health outcomes, decreased happiness, and decreased feeling at home in America. By framing Islamophobia as a public health issue, I argue that its condemnation is essential to improving population health.

This thesis investigates a new variant of the relationship between society and the states: Government-Owned (or Organized) Non-Governmental Organizations (GONGOs). Past research has typically understood civil society as a means to explain the orientation of groups of citizens towards collective outcomes. For decades, NGOs have been a key component of this relationship between political actors but the systematic study of GONGOs has been widely neglected by research. I used an original dataset collected from an NGO directory developed by the China Development Brief (CDB) that provides information on the functional areas of NGOs, their sources of funding and various organizational facts. These data were used to code a series of concepts that will serve as the basis for an initial systematic study into GONGOs and their relationship with the Chinese government. My theoretical expectations are that the primary predictors of an NGO’s autonomy relate to their functional areas of operation, their age and other geographical factors. I find preliminary support for the effect of an NGO’s age on its autonomy from the state, as well as initial support for the dynamic nature of the relationship between NGOs and the state. I close with a discussion of these findings as well as their implications for future research.

This text is concerned with the intellectual and social alienation experienced by a twentieth century German writer (1906 - ).·the alienation begins in the context of German society, but this context is later globalised. The thesis first discusses the social and· intellectual origins and the salient features of this alienated stance, before proceeding to a detailed analysis of its recurring symptoms and later intensification in each of the author's main works, chronologically surveyed, supported by reference to minor writings. From the novels of the thirties' showing the burgher-artist conflict, and its symbolic dichotomies, the renunciation of traditional German values, and the ambiguous confrontation with new disruptive socio-political forces, we move to the post-war trilogy (1951-54), with its roots in the German social and political experience of the thirties' onwards. The latter, however, is merely a background for the presentation of a much more comprehensive view of the human condition:- a pessimistic vision of the repetitiveness and incorrigibility of this condition, the possibility of the apocalypse, the bankruptcy and ineffectiveness of European religion and culture, the 'absurd' meaninglessness of history, the intellectual artist's position and role(s) in mass-culture and an abstract, technologised mass-society, the central theme of fragmentation - of the structure of reality, society and personality, the artist's relation to this fragmentation, intensified in the twentieth,century. Style and language are consonant with this world-picture. Many of these features recur in the travel-books (1958-61); diachronic as well as synchronic approaches characterise the presentation of various modes of contemporary society in America, Russia, France and other European countries. Important features of intellectual alienation are:- the changelessness of historical motifs (e.g. tyranny, aggression), the conventions of burgher society, both old and new forms, the qualitative depreciation and standardisation of living, industrialisation and technology in complex, vulnerable and concemtrated urban societies, ambiguities of fragmented pluralism. Reference is made .to other travel-writers.

Despite the increasing popularity of research on intercultural preparation and its effectiveness, research on training for inpatriates has not been developed with the same level of rigour as research on training for expatriates. Furthermore, research on intercultural training hardly ever includes the aspect of preparing for the corporate culture of a company. For expatriates coming from headquarters’ national culture and equipped with a good knowledge of headquarters’ corporate culture, it might be sufficient to address only the national culture of the location abroad. But can the same be said for inpatriates coming from a foreign subsidiary? Therefore the qualitative research of my thesis was aimed at finding out if intercultural training programmes that address only the national culture of the host country are sufficient to prepare inpatriates for working at headquarters. A case study using a German multinational company has been conducted in order to find out what kind of problems and irritations inpatriates at the company’s headquarters perceive at work. In order to determine whether the findings are related to the national or the corporate culture, Hall’s and Hofstede’s approaches to culture were used. The interview analysis produced the following conclusion: Although the researched company promotes standardised worldwide corporate guidelines, there are many differences between headquarters and subsidiaries regarding the interpretation and realisation of these guidelines. These differences cause irritation, confusion and problems for the inpatriates. Therefore an effective intercultural preparation for inpatriates should be tailor-made and take into account the aspect of corporate culture, as well as the specific roles and functions of inpatriates.

Germany's latest attempt at unification raises again the question of German nationhood and nationality. The present study examines the links between the development of the German language and the political history of Germany, principally in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. By examining the role of language in the establishment and exercise of political power and in the creation of national and group solidarity in Germany, the study both provides insights into the nature of language as political action and contributes to the socio-cultural history of the German language. The language-theoretical hypothesis on which the study is based sees language as a central factor in political action, and opposes the notion that language is a reflection of underlying political 'realities' which exist independently of language. Language is viewed as language-in-text which performs identifiable functions. Following Leech, five functions are distinguished, two of which (the regulative and the phatic) are regarded as central to political processes. The phatic function is tested against the role of the German language as a creator and symbol of national identity, with particular attention being paid to concepts of the 'purity' of the language. The regulative function (under which a persuasive function is also subsumed) is illustrated using the examples of German fascist discourse and selected cases from German history post-1945. In addition, the interactions are examined between language change and socio-economic change by postulating that language change is both a condition and consequence of socio-economic change, in that socio-economic change both requires and conditions changes in the communicative environment. Finally, three politocolinguistic case studies from the eight and ninth decades of the twentieth century are introduced in order to demonstrate specific ways in which language has been deployed in an attempt to create political realities, thus verifying the initial hypothesis of the centrality of language to the political process.

In some point of human development natural persons were just not enough. That is why artificial persons were incorporated into legal system of modern countries. They were given rights and duties almost identical to natural persons. One of those was society. Society is a person with open membership. Its purpose is to aid and encourage members in their business, economical, social and other needs. The thought of creating such an artificial person originated in the first half of the 19th century. The first real society was created on the 24th October 1844 in Rochdale in England. In our territory first society was created soon after that in 1846. I chose this topic as my thesis because I believe that societies are important part of our legal system and also life of many people though they are sometimes overlooked. For example I live in a flat that is part of a big society in our town. The purpose of my thesis is firstly to identify problems, gaps and disputative questions in the legal regulations. Then I try to present opinions and answers given by our jurisprudence and judicature. I also try to give my perspective and opinions on the matter. The bodies of society in our country are members' meeting, cooperative board and controlling commission. This structure of bodies can be simplified when there is...

This project seeks to trace the power of social media in serving as a virtual civil society in the Arab world, focusing on Egypt as a case study. This study aims to explore the role of social media in mobilising Egyptian activists across generations, and particularly in reaching out to people under the age of 35 who constitute around 50 per cent of the population. Studies preceding the 2011 uprising reported that young Egyptians were politically apathetic and were perceived as incapable of bringing about genuine political changes. Drawing on a range of methods and data collected from focus groups of young people under the age of 35, interviews with activists (across generations and gender), and via a descriptive web feature analysis, it is argued that online action has not been translated into offline activism. The role of trust in forming online networks is demonstrated, and how strong ties can play a pivotal role in spreading messages via social media sites. Activists relied on social media as a medium of visibility; for those who were not active in the political sphere, social media have been instrumental in raising their awareness about diverse political movements and educating them about the political process, after decades of political apathy under Mubarak’s regime. The most important benefit of using social media is the increased political knowledge and information available regarding the political situation in Egypt, despite many young people still confining their political activities to passive acts of ‘share’, ‘like’ or ‘post’ on social media. Activists have used social media to ensure visibility of their actions, not only nationally, but also regionally and internationally. There remains a strong need for offline organization and activism by using social media as a communication avenue, not necessarily as a catalyst for changing the political process. A number of problems associated with the use of such media in political deliberations concerning Egypt are highlighted, notwithstanding the positive effects of social media on the political socialisation of young Egyptians. One such problem is the lack of sustainability in online campaigns which should ideally convert into offline collective action. It can be argued that a sustainable civil society and a truly diverse public sphere rests on more sustainable, offline action, which can indeed bring about significant changes in the Egyptian political sphere.