<p>This study, in contrast to contemporary held views relating to the US policy premises, aimed to look at the inherent disabilities and inconsistencies of the policies of succesive Washington administrations. More so, it investigated the US interventionist strategies to perceived threats from communist regimes and their allies, especially in Southern Africa. To be able to embark on such an investigation, Namibia and the Soviet-Cuban involvement in Southern Africa were selected as a special focus of this study</p>

<p>The researcher has been working for CIAT, as a community development facilitator and research assistant for past five years (2001-2006). CIAT has been involved in testing tools and methods for promoting participation and tracking changes at community level under different pilot projects in Eastern and Central Africa in partnership with national research organizations of respective countries. One of CIAT&rsquo / s areas of research is developing participatory monitoring and evaluation systems that are appropriate for rural communities. The researcher has been involved in designing and setting up community-driven participatory monitoring and evaluation systems on a pilot basis with communities in Eastern and Southern Africa.</p>

This thesis is an ethnographic study of the life of female migrants in Cape Town. The thesis is based on material gathered through informal conversations, semi-structured interviews and participant observation conducted among female migrants in Cape Town. South Africa is today the strongest economy in the Southern African region which attracts people from other poorer African countries. They migrate to South Africa for a chance to a better life or an opportunity to support themselves and their families. However, South Africa´s restrictive immigration policies make it difficult for many migrants to obtain the right documents and be able to ‘legally’ cross the South African border. Even if migrants get an asylum-seekers permit they are not allowed to legally work in the country. They are included and excluded at the same time. The constant ‘criminalization’ of migrants´ acts makes it hard for migrants to access any human rights and protection in general, which makes them more vulnerable to exploitation. More and more women are crossing the borders to South Africa to get work and physical security as a part of the global ‘feminization’ of migration. Women´s movement therefore questions the picture of the man as the sole breadwinner. Even though this is the reality women are excluded from the discourse about migration and existing immigration policies in South Africa. Female migrants are not acknowledged as important actors and are even more vulnerable in the forced and marginalized position of ‘illegality’, then male migrants. This study explores the female migrants´ own experiences of struggles like getting documented, work, secure housing and being exposed to xenophobia. The women have also developed different strategies to handle these difficulties. This thesis criticizes the ‘victimization’ of female migrants, which ascribes them with powerlessness and being without agency, and shows that they are active in seeking solutions and creating strategies to increase their scope of action.

Theoretical work indicates that HIV-1 epidemics in sub-Saharan Africa will cause major demographic changes. The current study assesses the extent to which these changes can already be seen in two rural areas of Manicaland, Zimbabwe and investigates the determinants of the epidemic and its demographic impact. The study utilizes demographic survey methods and qualitative sociological techniques. Data analysis is conducted using statistical packages and is guided by insights generated from mathematical models of the epidemiology and demographic impact of HIV-1 infections. HIV-1 prevalence is high in both areas. Among women, HIV-1 infection is associated with age and marital status. Indirect evidence indicates that religion, education, migration and socio-economic characteristics of husband may also be important determinants. Each of these factors influences the pattern of sexual behaviour. Rates of sexual partner change are heterogeneous for women but appear more homogeneous for men. Mixing patterns are disassortative: men form partnerships with women with high and low rates of partner change. Mortality has undergone a recent upturn, almost certainly associated with HIV-1 infections. Adults aged 20-45 years and men, in particular, are most affected at this (early) stage of the epidemic. Religion is an important local determinant of demographic patterns, whose influence on mortality appears to be changing vua its effect on sexual behaviour and the spread of HIV-1. Orphanhood has increased, but, as yet, there is little change in population structure. Fertility has declined since the late 1970s. It is too early in the AIDS epidemic to see an impact of HIV-1 at the population level. However, some signs of behaviour changes which affect the proximate determinants of fertility were detected. These changes may accelerate the decline in birth rates, especially at younger ages. New demographic projections for Zimbabwe are developed, based on observed trends in HIV- 1 infection and fertility, and underlying behaviour patterns. These indicate substantial further increases in mortality, particularly among women and young children, greatly reduced population growth, relative shortages of young children and older adults, and further increases in orphanhood. Families and communities will require support in facing this slowly unfolding disaster.

Namibia’s community based natural resource management program (CBNRM) integrates local participation in rural development and biodiversity conservation. This effort was launched through key legislation that devolved the right to manage wildlife and other renewable resources on communal lands from the state to community level conservancies. Local participation is dependent upon the capacity of the locals to self mobilize and establish conservancies, plan and implement their programs, and monitor and evaluate their progresses and impacts. Accordingly, this study examines the role of capacity development (CD) in CBNRM, particularly its processes, products, performance, and permanence at the individual, organizational (conservancy), and community levels. The research was carried out using interviews and participatory self-assessment exercises with various conservancy stakeholders. This study uncovers why and how capacity development has to be based on local realities and aspirations where capacity users need to have ownership of the process through partnerships with service providers in order to enhance endogenous capacity. However, such notion of “partnership” between CD stakeholders is challenging to translate into reality in the face of power imbalances, where government and NGOs are continuously influenced and coerced by donor interests, where NGOs are considered stronger than the government because they control more financial and human resources, and where conservancies tend to report upwards to NGOs and government instead of their constituents. Moreover, this research reiterates that CD has to be holistic enough to incorporate individual, organizational, and community level changes in order to create sustainable capacities and prevent problems of elitism, manipulation, and dependency on few individuals. With respect to CBNRM, the research argues that its basic premise of diversifying rural livelihoods using incentives to bring about sustainable resource management can only be achieved when conservancies have the capacity to create representative and participatory democratic processes, and when they are able to generate equitable and reliable tangible benefits with manageable costs to their constituents. As seen in this study, when such governance and benefit sharing structures are in place, they enhance local participation by promoting political empowerment, trust, ownership, and positive attitude towards living with wildlife. However, if such conditions are not met, local participation is reduced, while intra-community conflicts from marginalization to nepotism and members’ dissatisfaction and disinterest are inevitable.

Thesis (M.S.)--University of Wisconsin--Madison, 1951. / eContent provider-neutral record in process. Description based on print version record. Includes bibliographical references.

The history that H. Rider Haggard writes about in his imperial adventure romance fiction is neither collusive nor consensual with the Zulu who are often the focus of his novels. He writes a complex colonial narrative that characterises the Zulu as a proud and mythic, yet ultimately doomed, race. His early twentieth century trilogy, Zikali, is unique in that he uses the three books, Marie, Child of Storm and Finished, to narrate three pivotal events in the nineteenth century history of the Zulu Kingdom. In Zikali, he simultaneously propounds the legitimacy of the colonial endeavour, so effectively that he rewrites history, to ensure the primacy of the Englishman in nineteenth century Southern Africa historiography, whilst aggrandising the Zulu kingdom. This reframing of the colonial narrative—to suit the Western interloper—would be evidence of what is a standard trope within imperial adventure romance fiction, were it not for the fact that Haggard is ambivalent in his imperialism. He is both recorder and creator of imperial history, bewailing the demise of the Zulu Kingdom whilst validating the importance of the role of the colonial white Englishman; he senselessly kills hundreds of natives within his books, yet privileges the Zulu. Referencing one of the primary motivational sources in Haggard's own colonial experience, Theophilus Shepstone, I propose to show Haggard's sublimation of Shepstone's ideas into his own African Arcadian romances, and his creation of a Zulu historiography, which would go on to be lauded by the early South African National Native Congress as being one of the foundations of early twentieth century native socio-political self-fashioning. Haggard's work provides a fragmentary and elusive insight into nineteenth century southern African history and offers an abstruse glimpse into colonial culture rarely found in other imperial adventure romance fiction.

A inserção internacional de Moçambique é um processo que ocorreu em fases, tendo se iniciado com os esforços empreendidos na década de 1960 pelo Dr. Eduardo Chivambo Mondlane, Primeiro Presidente da Frente de Libertação de Moçambique (FRELIMO). Visando criar o isolamento internacional do regime colonial Português e obter o apoio necessário para a causa da independência de Moçambique, Mondlane estabeleceu contatos com governos de vários Estados do mundo incluindo países ocidentais, países progressistas africanos e países socialistas, projetando, deste modo, a imagem de Moçambique no mundo. Iniciada com as decisões tomadas no Segundo Congresso da FRELIMO realizado em 1968, a política externa de Moçambique tinha em vista “criar mais amigos e poucos inimigos”, num contexto de bipolaridade ideológica que caracterizava a guerra-fria. O novo contexto internacional emergente no período após o fim da guerra-fria viria a originar uma redefiniçao desta política que passou a ser definida como de “criar mais amigos e mais parceiras”. A nível da região da África Austral a FRELIMO considerou sempre que a independência de Moçambique só seria completa com a libertação de todos os países da região que ainda se encontravam sob a dominação de regimes coloniais e minoritários tendo dado o seu apoio incondicional à luta de libertação do Zimbábue, África do Sul e Namíbia, para além do seu grande empenho no processo de cooperação e integração regional. É neste contexto que se pode enquadrar esta tese cujo tema é “a política externa de Moçambique e sua inserção na região da África Austral” a qual procura, através de uma vasta revisão bibliográfica, analisar os contornos que estiveram à volta da afirmação de Moçambique como Estado reconhecido no concerto das nações tanto a nível regional como internacional. / The international insertion of Mozambique is a process that took place in phases, starting with the efforts made in the 1960s by Dr. Eduardo Chivambo Mondlane, First President of the Liberation Front of Mozambique (FRELIMO). In order to create the international isolation of the Portuguese colonial regime and obtain the necessary support for the cause of Mozambique's independence, Mondlane established contacts with governments in several states of the world including Western countries, progressive African countries and socialist countries, thus projecting the image of Mozambique in the world. Initiated by the decisions taken at the Second FRELIMO’s Congress held in 1968, Mozambique's foreign policy aimed to "create more friends and few enemies" in a context of ideological bipolarity that characterized the Cold War. The new emerging international context in the period after the end of the Cold War would lead to a redefinition of this policy, which was defined as "creating more friends and more partners". At the level of the southern African region FRELIMO always considered that Mozambique's independence would only be complete with the liberation of all the countries of the region that were still under the domination of colonial and minority regimes and gave its unconditional support to the liberation struggle in Zimbabwe, South Africa and Namibia, in addition to its strong commitment to regional cooperation and integration. It is in this context that one can frame this thesis whose theme is "the foreign policy of Mozambique and its insertion in the region of Southern Africa" which seeks, through a vast bibliographical review, to analyze the contours that were around the affirmation of Mozambique as State recognized in the concert of nations at both regional and international levels.

A inserção internacional de Moçambique é um processo que ocorreu em fases, tendo se iniciado com os esforços empreendidos na década de 1960 pelo Dr. Eduardo Chivambo Mondlane, Primeiro Presidente da Frente de Libertação de Moçambique (FRELIMO). Visando criar o isolamento internacional do regime colonial Português e obter o apoio necessário para a causa da independência de Moçambique, Mondlane estabeleceu contatos com governos de vários Estados do mundo incluindo países ocidentais, países progressistas africanos e países socialistas, projetando, deste modo, a imagem de Moçambique no mundo. Iniciada com as decisões tomadas no Segundo Congresso da FRELIMO realizado em 1968, a política externa de Moçambique tinha em vista “criar mais amigos e poucos inimigos”, num contexto de bipolaridade ideológica que caracterizava a guerra-fria. O novo contexto internacional emergente no período após o fim da guerra-fria viria a originar uma redefiniçao desta política que passou a ser definida como de “criar mais amigos e mais parceiras”. A nível da região da África Austral a FRELIMO considerou sempre que a independência de Moçambique só seria completa com a libertação de todos os países da região que ainda se encontravam sob a dominação de regimes coloniais e minoritários tendo dado o seu apoio incondicional à luta de libertação do Zimbábue, África do Sul e Namíbia, para além do seu grande empenho no processo de cooperação e integração regional. É neste contexto que se pode enquadrar esta tese cujo tema é “a política externa de Moçambique e sua inserção na região da África Austral” a qual procura, através de uma vasta revisão bibliográfica, analisar os contornos que estiveram à volta da afirmação de Moçambique como Estado reconhecido no concerto das nações tanto a nível regional como internacional. / The international insertion of Mozambique is a process that took place in phases, starting with the efforts made in the 1960s by Dr. Eduardo Chivambo Mondlane, First President of the Liberation Front of Mozambique (FRELIMO). In order to create the international isolation of the Portuguese colonial regime and obtain the necessary support for the cause of Mozambique's independence, Mondlane established contacts with governments in several states of the world including Western countries, progressive African countries and socialist countries, thus projecting the image of Mozambique in the world. Initiated by the decisions taken at the Second FRELIMO’s Congress held in 1968, Mozambique's foreign policy aimed to "create more friends and few enemies" in a context of ideological bipolarity that characterized the Cold War. The new emerging international context in the period after the end of the Cold War would lead to a redefinition of this policy, which was defined as "creating more friends and more partners". At the level of the southern African region FRELIMO always considered that Mozambique's independence would only be complete with the liberation of all the countries of the region that were still under the domination of colonial and minority regimes and gave its unconditional support to the liberation struggle in Zimbabwe, South Africa and Namibia, in addition to its strong commitment to regional cooperation and integration. It is in this context that one can frame this thesis whose theme is "the foreign policy of Mozambique and its insertion in the region of Southern Africa" which seeks, through a vast bibliographical review, to analyze the contours that were around the affirmation of Mozambique as State recognized in the concert of nations at both regional and international levels.

Thesis (DTech (Public Management))--Cape Peninsula University of Technology, 2008 / The research explores an evaluation of cross-border electricity trading among countries of the Southern African Development Community (SADC). Understanding this trading achieve through an analysis of various global electricity markets. The research disclose that in the electricity markets in Europe, North America, South America and Asia analysed in this thesis, none managed to successful eliminate power shortages. Their situation, however, is different from that of the Southern Africa Power Pool (SAPP). The apparent poor design of the SAPP as a regional power pool impacts negatively on power trading within its region. A strategic public management model was used to analyse the organisational dynamics of the electricity companies of the three countries selected for this research (Democratic Republic of Congo, South Africa and Zimbabwe). A Strength Weakness Opportunities and Threats (SWOT) analysis carried out on these markets indicated that there are problems among different electricity companies, each requiring a solution. Each country's evaluation highlighted a need for an accountable government to implement a goal-directed policy to militate against any dysfunctional operations by the electricity companies. The quantitative and qualitative data analyses of the fieldwork results showed the SAPP had struggled hard to increase the capacity of members' power trading. The study indicated internal problems in terms of increasing trading volumes. The time series analysis showed power trading in the short-term electricity market had decreased annually. Linear regression analysis also indicated a decline in the capacity of the SAPP. A number of factors could explain the reduction of capacity in the SAPP, but the research results suggested a strong probability that electricity capacity would decrease further, as the countries, trading in the power pool have experienced decreased electricity volume annually because of internal demand. In addition to a number of. recommendations, the research proposes a normative model that could be used by nations to manage and assess the electricity market. An understanding of the input as adapted from Easton inpuUoutput normative 11 transformational systems model, in terms of different governments, should assist policy-makers to transform the power trading generating distribution industry. Global experience shows the need to establish a normative transformation of the electricity industry in the SADC region. It is clear from the results of this study that the SADC electricity markets have been poorly transformed in terms of a particular normative guideline. The situation has also disadvantaged the SAPP, which, in recent times, had less electricity capacity with which to trade. Implementation of the normative model in the context of this study sought to analyse all aspects that might influence the transformation of the electricity sector, and to grow a currently dysfunctional state to that of functionality and reliability. While each country faced its own reality in terms of the transformation of its public enterprises, the study recommends the normative model be implemented in the same way in each selected country.