Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Wisconsin--Madison, 1967. / Typescript. Vita. Includes bibliographical references.

Thesis (M.S.)--University of Wisconsin--Madison. / Typescript. eContent provider-neutral record in process. Description based on print version record. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 93-95).

Thesis (M.S.)--University of Wisconsin--Madison. / Typescript. eContent provider-neutral record in process. Description based on print version record. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 78-79).

The purpose of this study was threefold: to trace the historical development of the problem of national integration in the Sudan; to analyze the role of education in that problem; and to formulate and recommend an appropriate role for education to assume within the context of the Addis Ababa Agreement of 1972.This study was based on the following four assumptions:1. The Sudan has both Arab and African cultural characteristics which should be the basis for national integration.2. In the light of the strong sentiment against secessionist movements among African leaders, there appears to be no negotiable alternative to some form of accommodation within the context of one Sudan.3. It is possible for both Northern and Southern Sudanese to coexist with neither losing the greater part of their cultural identity.4. Education can play a major role in the process of national integration.After the establishment of the Anglo-Egyptian condominium in the Sudan in 1899, the British recognized the distinctively African character of the Southern Sudanese as opposed to the Arab and Islamic character of the Northerners. The British formulated a policy known as The Southern Policy in 1930. The objective of this policy was the containment of the Arab and Islamic culture in the Southern Sudan. Christian missionaries were allowed to proselytize only in the South and in the non--Arab districts of the North. In 1946, the Southern Policy was abandoned and a new one based on a united Sudan was formulated, but the dual system. of education was maintained. Education in the North was along Arab and Islamic lines whereas the Southern one was along African lines.After the Sudan gained independence in 1956 the new Sudanese government dominated by the Northerners decided to take over all the missionary-owned schools in the South, purportedly in the interest of a uniform national system of education. This quest for a national system became a deliberate attempt to Arabize the South, especially during the six years of military rule by General Abboud (1958--1964). The Southern resistance grew into a guerrilla struggle when the military government adopted repressive measures.The military regime collapsed in 1961, but the subsequent civilian governments could not resolve the North-South conflict. It was not until 1972 that the Addis Ababa Agreement was signed, ending the seventeen year armed conflict. This Agreement granted the three Southern provinces local autonomy within the framework of a united Sudan. It is within this context that the following recommendations for education have been made in this study:1. Both African and Middle Pastern history should receive special emphasis in the general history curriculum for secondary schools.2. National sea-vice and multicultural education should be emphasized in teacher training.3. The hierarchical prefectorial system of student government should be abandoned in favor of a more democratic system.4. Tolerance for diversity of opinion and culture should be emphasized as well as pride in national achievement.The chances for the institutionalization of the Addis Ababa Agreement are as good as those of the permanent constitution in which it has been enshrined. However, there is always the prospect of a hostile coup d'etat which could easily lead to a revival of the old North-South conflict.

Prepared by the Arid Lands Information Center, Office of Arid Lands Studies, University of Arizona ; Mark Speece, compiler.

The focus of this study was on the Interim Constitution adopted on 9 July 2005 by Sudan. The significance of the federal principle both as a peacemaking device and a tool of democratisation was considered. The objective of the study was to provide an informed and well-researched estimation of the potential perils and possibilities for success of Sudan's contemporary constitutional arrangement.

A dissertation presented in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the Master of Arts Degree in Political Studies, Faculty of Humanities, University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, 2016 / Sudan is a state that has become synonymous with violent atrocities resulting from clashes between government forces and rebel groups The resulting death and displacement of scores of its civilians as a result of these clashes has captured the world’s attention and inspired an in depth analysis for the causes. This research report explores the impact that the political decision making by the postcolonial government in the form of rationality had on this circumstance and to what extent the governance procedure influenced the tensions that catapulted the state into violence. The North South, Muslim Christian dichotomy has been understood as the crux of the violence in Sudan, the reality however is much more complex and a variety of intricate factors converge to result in the spate of violent atrocities that has been suffered mostly by those who are not participants in the conflicts. Sudan’s history and its successive postcolonial governments are two factors that weigh greatly on these complexities, the process of political rationality in particular is central to this and as such forms the crux of the political decision making process by the governing structure. The analysis of political rationality as a concept provides an insight into the context that framed this process and is therefore vital to consider in trying to decipher and mitigate against the occurrence of further violent atrocities in Sudan specifically and generally in Africa as a whole. / MT2017

No description available.

This thesis will examine the role of Islamist political parties and what effect their interpretation of national identity has played in dividing the people of Sudan, resulting in two civil wars. It will examine the manifestations and interpretations of Islam and pan-Arabism among the various Islamist parties of Northern Sudan, exploring the ethnic and religious factors which influence Islamist political groups, as well as their social bases which are tied to economics, language, and the conception of a distinctly "Arab" or "African" culture. This thesis will argue that the predominance of these Islamist political parties in the Sudanese government combined with the lack of a Sudanese identity and historical factors have combined to prevent the consolidation of state power, leading to situations of protracted conflict. The imposition, or attempted imposition, of an Islamic identity on the state as a whole prevents unity as it necessarily excludes certain parts of the population as well as disenfranchising those who, whilst they might be Muslim, do not subscribe to the same interpretation of Islamic identity.

The focus of this study was on the Interim Constitution adopted on 9 July 2005 by Sudan. The significance of the federal principle both as a peacemaking device and a tool of democratisation was considered. The objective of the study was to provide an informed and well-researched estimation of the potential perils and possibilities for success of Sudan's contemporary constitutional arrangement.