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This thesis examines the tensions that have continued to plague Southern Sudan since the 2005 Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA). It investigates factors that, if left unchecked, may lead to renewed conflict. Ethnic tensions have been exacerbated by two decades of war and divide-and-rule tactics, creating a fragile post-conflict environment in which ethnic-based militias continue to operate. Weakened by claims of ethnic discrimination, the Sudan People's Liberation Movement struggles to establish its legitimacy as the southern ruling party and demonstrate its ability to provide equitable power and wealth sharing. Vast oil resources have raised the stakes of conflict for all parties, including the northern ruling National Congress Party (NCP) which risks losing its share of oil revenues if the South secedes---a possible outcome of the CPA. This thesis argues that, to ensure its own survival, the NCP fuels southern divisions to undermine the implementation of the CPA.

The purpose of this study was threefold: to trace the historical development of the problem of national integration in the Sudan; to analyze the role of education in that problem; and to formulate and recommend an appropriate role for education to assume within the context of the Addis Ababa Agreement of 1972.This study was based on the following four assumptions:1. The Sudan has both Arab and African cultural characteristics which should be the basis for national integration.2. In the light of the strong sentiment against secessionist movements among African leaders, there appears to be no negotiable alternative to some form of accommodation within the context of one Sudan.3. It is possible for both Northern and Southern Sudanese to coexist with neither losing the greater part of their cultural identity.4. Education can play a major role in the process of national integration.After the establishment of the Anglo-Egyptian condominium in the Sudan in 1899, the British recognized the distinctively African character of the Southern Sudanese as opposed to the Arab and Islamic character of the Northerners. The British formulated a policy known as The Southern Policy in 1930. The objective of this policy was the containment of the Arab and Islamic culture in the Southern Sudan. Christian missionaries were allowed to proselytize only in the South and in the non--Arab districts of the North. In 1946, the Southern Policy was abandoned and a new one based on a united Sudan was formulated, but the dual system. of education was maintained. Education in the North was along Arab and Islamic lines whereas the Southern one was along African lines.After the Sudan gained independence in 1956 the new Sudanese government dominated by the Northerners decided to take over all the missionary-owned schools in the South, purportedly in the interest of a uniform national system of education. This quest for a national system became a deliberate attempt to Arabize the South, especially during the six years of military rule by General Abboud (1958--1964). The Southern resistance grew into a guerrilla struggle when the military government adopted repressive measures.The military regime collapsed in 1961, but the subsequent civilian governments could not resolve the North-South conflict. It was not until 1972 that the Addis Ababa Agreement was signed, ending the seventeen year armed conflict. This Agreement granted the three Southern provinces local autonomy within the framework of a united Sudan. It is within this context that the following recommendations for education have been made in this study:1. Both African and Middle Pastern history should receive special emphasis in the general history curriculum for secondary schools.2. National sea-vice and multicultural education should be emphasized in teacher training.3. The hierarchical prefectorial system of student government should be abandoned in favor of a more democratic system.4. Tolerance for diversity of opinion and culture should be emphasized as well as pride in national achievement.The chances for the institutionalization of the Addis Ababa Agreement are as good as those of the permanent constitution in which it has been enshrined. However, there is always the prospect of a hostile coup d'etat which could easily lead to a revival of the old North-South conflict.

The focus of this study was on the Interim Constitution adopted on 9 July 2005 by Sudan. The significance of the federal principle both as a peacemaking device and a tool of democratisation was considered. The objective of the study was to provide an informed and well-researched estimation of the potential perils and possibilities for success of Sudan's contemporary constitutional arrangement.

A dissertation presented in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the Master of Arts Degree in Political Studies, Faculty of Humanities, University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, 2016 / Sudan is a state that has become synonymous with violent atrocities resulting from clashes between government forces and rebel groups The resulting death and displacement of scores of its civilians as a result of these clashes has captured the world’s attention and inspired an in depth analysis for the causes. This research report explores the impact that the political decision making by the postcolonial government in the form of rationality had on this circumstance and to what extent the governance procedure influenced the tensions that catapulted the state into violence. The North South, Muslim Christian dichotomy has been understood as the crux of the violence in Sudan, the reality however is much more complex and a variety of intricate factors converge to result in the spate of violent atrocities that has been suffered mostly by those who are not participants in the conflicts. Sudan’s history and its successive postcolonial governments are two factors that weigh greatly on these complexities, the process of political rationality in particular is central to this and as such forms the crux of the political decision making process by the governing structure. The analysis of political rationality as a concept provides an insight into the context that framed this process and is therefore vital to consider in trying to decipher and mitigate against the occurrence of further violent atrocities in Sudan specifically and generally in Africa as a whole. / MT2017

The focus of this study was on the Interim Constitution adopted on 9 July 2005 by Sudan. The significance of the federal principle both as a peacemaking device and a tool of democratisation was considered. The objective of the study was to provide an informed and well-researched estimation of the potential perils and possibilities for success of Sudan's contemporary constitutional arrangement.

This research intends to investigate the scope and applicability of the concept of ‘self-determination’ outside the context of decolonisation using South Sudan as a case study. Demands for the exercise of the right to self-determination are widespread. These are vehemently resisted by states who view the concept of ‘self-determination’ as a potential source of territorial disintegration. International instruments which provide for the right to self-determination also discourage the impairment of the territorial integrity of states in the name of self-determination. The problem faced in international law is therefore how to balance the right to self-determination with the principle of territorial integrity. The study reveals that the general understanding is that outside the context of decolonisation the right to self-determination may be exercised within the territorial boundaries of a state without compromising the territorial integrity of a state. The internal exercise of the right to self-determination entails human rights protection, participation in the political affairs of the state and autonomy arrangements. This general understanding is however problematic where a state systemically violates the rights of its people and denies them political participation in the affairs of the state. The people of South Sudan found themselves in such a situation from the time when Sudan gained independence from British colonial rule. Despite a number of negotiations with the government of Sudan, the people of South Sudan continued to be marginalised and their rights violated with impunity. They then demanded to exercise their right to self-determination externally and eventually they seceded from Sudan through the framework created by the Comprehensive Peace Agreement of 2005. In the light of the secession of South Sudan from Sudan this study proposes a remedial self-determination approach to the understanding of post-colonial self-determination. In terms of this approach when people are denied the right to exercise their right to self-determination internally, or their rights are deliberately and systemically violated, they may exercise their right to self-determination externally and secede.

This study attempts to explore the factors that contributed to the rise and fall of military regimes in the Sudan from independence in 1956 to 1989. Further, the study tries to identify the factors that led to the collapse of either or both civilian and military regimes. Most of the studies on military politics have focused their research on either military coups or, more recently, on military withdrawal from politics. This work tries to synthesize the study of military coups and military withdrawal from politics into a single theoretical framework.

Since its independence on July 9, 2011, the Republic of South Sudan, with the assistance of various internal and external stakeholders, has been working towards viable and constructive political and socio-economic change in the new state. These processes of change are aimed at the effective development of South Sudan as a sovereign, peaceful and stable nation-state that is capable of serving the short- and long-term needs and expectations of its citizens and the environment at large. However, the successful realisation of this transformation is facing serious challenges. These challenges are partly attributable to the unresolved issues and consequences of South Sudan’s protracted years of civil war with Sudan, and the difficulties that often confront post-conflict societies, especially a post-independence state like South Sudan, which came into existence after two prolonged civil wars. Given the complexity of South Sudan’s post-independence environment, this study aims to gain a clearer understanding of South Sudan’s complex transformational and peace-building challenges as an independent state; and to propose recommendations on how they can be managed. This will be achieved through the use of historical and qualitative research methods, which locate the study within a framework that provides the basis for the analyses of the data collected on South Sudan and on the subjects of conflict transformation and peace-building. As South Sudan celebrated its one-year anniversary on July 9, 2012, it was recalled that the country’s official independence was regarded as a historic event for the African continent at large. While there were high expectations among the South Sudanese population and the international community that this signalled an end to Africa’s longest conflict, it was soon clouded by a myriad of political, economic, socio-cultural, peace, security and development challenges. These include building an entirely new state out of the ruins of war, confronting the unresolved resource and border demarcation conflicts with Sudan, and tackling South Sudan’s own internal ethnic confrontations, among many other human resources and capacity challenges. Given South Sudan’s challenging post-conflict and post-independence environment, this study contends that contrary to the notion that the resolution and transformation of the Sudan-South Sudan conflict and the birth of the new Republic of South Sudan ended the conflict between the two entities, the secession did not create a cohesive and robust new state that is free from serious internal and external challenges. The Government of South Sudan (GoSS) and external and internal stakeholders, including the African Union (AU); the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD); the United Nations (UN); civil society organisations (CSOs) and various individual countries (among many other initiatives) have been and are actively engaged in joint efforts to address and manage the challenges that confront South Sudan as an independent state. However, such endeavours have mainly concentrated on state-building issues, resources and border demarcation conflicts, and have focused less on the problems of nation-building. As such, internal complexities such as social and national identity, the decentralisation of power/broader representation in government and state affairs and growing ethnic conflicts have continued to receive less attention. Bearing this in mind, this study argues that unless these internal matters are given serious consideration, sustainable peace and development in South Sudan will remain elusive. While negotiations to resolve the cross-border South Sudan-Sudan conflicts continue, a solution that is acceptable to all parties is only possible if all the conflicting parties are invited to the negotiation table to engage in peaceful dialogue and find the means to reconcile their differences and build trustworthy and mutually beneficial relationships. The study also identifies a need for the promotion and coordination of a constructive relationship between the South Sudanese state and civil society. It further recognises the importance of building inclusive political processes to facilitate a state-society cooperative environment, and the development of state capacity to perform its duties in a manner that satisfies the expectations of the population that they will enjoy the fruits of their long-drawn out struggle for independence. In terms of how these processes can be achieved, the study recommends an indigenous intervention mechanism that encourages the active engagement of the entire post-conflict society in its own peace-building and development initiatives. This mechanism is encapsulated in John Paul Lederach’s Pyramid Model of conflict transformation, which emphasises the importance of coordinating peace-building activities between and among the various leadership levels – the top, middle and grassroots leaders of the post-conflict society. This model also advocates that the local community be encouraged to develop and drive its own peace-building and development activities, which is a major step forward in reconciling differences, building a sense of belonging, trust, mutual respect and ultimately societal cohesion. These are very important considerations for any society or state with the long-term goal of sustainable peace and development. The research study thus recommends this model for managing South Sudan’s challenges. It urges all stakeholders to promote the involvement of the local community in peace-building and development activities and to facilitate peaceful dialogue and reconciliation within South Sudan and with Sudan in order to achieve viable peace and development in the longer term. / Thesis (M.Soc.Sc.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Pietermaritzburg, 2013.

Lasting peace in Sudan would reverberate throughout Africa, the Arab world, and globally. But signing a historic peace agreement will not guarantee successful post-conflict reconstruction in Sudan. Several critical openings must follow-with expanded roles for the Sudanese people and their international partners. Sudanese fighters from both sides will need to integrate into joint military units that defend Sudan's borders and gain capacity to deal with rogue elements. Sudanese politicians must expand the opportunities for fresh and excluded voices to participate in Sudan's governing structures (north and south, national, regional, and local) and its political processes. Benchmarks against which international assistance is measured could help guarantee this need, as would an inclusive constitutional drafting process. Sustained economic assistance and forward-learning decisions on reducing Sudan's debt burden will help move Sudan on the path to economic growth. At the same time, international pressure must be brought to bear on the Sudanese to ensure that revenue streams, particularly oil and are handled transparently and for the benefit of Sudan's people, not its leaders. Uncertainty, hatred and mistrust run deep within Sudan. Donors must focus on building connections among the Sudanese and bringing communities together around common goals. The past focus on north-south issues should give way to more inclusive programs that begin to address the political and economical marginalization that is fuelling discontent and conflict in Sudan's peripheral regions. Lasting peace will require not just changing attitudes within Sudan, but shifting outside practices to better confront the enormous challenges that will complicate reconstruction efforts. Sudan's coming peace presents an opportunity to move beyond almost forty years of intrastate war. The United State, the United Nations, African Union, and other friends of Sudan should now consolidate and capitalize on this opportunity. / Thesis (M.A. (Peace Studies and International Relations) North-West University, Mafikeng Campus, 2005