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Managing the challenges of conflict transformation and peace-building in South Sudan.Shulika, Lukong Stella. 15 November 2013 (has links)
Since its independence on July 9, 2011, the Republic of South Sudan, with the assistance of
various internal and external stakeholders, has been working towards viable and
constructive political and socio-economic change in the new state. These processes of
change are aimed at the effective development of South Sudan as a sovereign, peaceful and
stable nation-state that is capable of serving the short- and long-term needs and
expectations of its citizens and the environment at large. However, the successful
realisation of this transformation is facing serious challenges. These challenges are partly
attributable to the unresolved issues and consequences of South Sudan’s protracted years
of civil war with Sudan, and the difficulties that often confront post-conflict societies,
especially a post-independence state like South Sudan, which came into existence after two
prolonged civil wars. Given the complexity of South Sudan’s post-independence
environment, this study aims to gain a clearer understanding of South Sudan’s complex
transformational and peace-building challenges as an independent state; and to propose
recommendations on how they can be managed. This will be achieved through the use of
historical and qualitative research methods, which locate the study within a framework
that provides the basis for the analyses of the data collected on South Sudan and on the
subjects of conflict transformation and peace-building.
As South Sudan celebrated its one-year anniversary on July 9, 2012, it was recalled that the
country’s official independence was regarded as a historic event for the African continent
at large. While there were high expectations among the South Sudanese population and the
international community that this signalled an end to Africa’s longest conflict, it was soon
clouded by a myriad of political, economic, socio-cultural, peace, security and development
challenges. These include building an entirely new state out of the ruins of war, confronting
the unresolved resource and border demarcation conflicts with Sudan, and tackling South
Sudan’s own internal ethnic confrontations, among many other human resources and
capacity challenges. Given South Sudan’s challenging post-conflict and post-independence
environment, this study contends that contrary to the notion that the resolution and
transformation of the Sudan-South Sudan conflict and the birth of the new Republic of South Sudan ended the conflict between the two entities, the secession did not create a
cohesive and robust new state that is free from serious internal and external challenges.
The Government of South Sudan (GoSS) and external and internal stakeholders, including
the African Union (AU); the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD); the
United Nations (UN); civil society organisations (CSOs) and various individual countries
(among many other initiatives) have been and are actively engaged in joint efforts to
address and manage the challenges that confront South Sudan as an independent state.
However, such endeavours have mainly concentrated on state-building issues, resources
and border demarcation conflicts, and have focused less on the problems of nation-building.
As such, internal complexities such as social and national identity, the
decentralisation of power/broader representation in government and state affairs and
growing ethnic conflicts have continued to receive less attention. Bearing this in mind, this
study argues that unless these internal matters are given serious consideration, sustainable
peace and development in South Sudan will remain elusive. While negotiations to resolve
the cross-border South Sudan-Sudan conflicts continue, a solution that is acceptable to all
parties is only possible if all the conflicting parties are invited to the negotiation table to
engage in peaceful dialogue and find the means to reconcile their differences and build
trustworthy and mutually beneficial relationships. The study also identifies a need for the
promotion and coordination of a constructive relationship between the South Sudanese
state and civil society. It further recognises the importance of building inclusive political
processes to facilitate a state-society cooperative environment, and the development of
state capacity to perform its duties in a manner that satisfies the expectations of the
population that they will enjoy the fruits of their long-drawn out struggle for independence.
In terms of how these processes can be achieved, the study recommends an indigenous
intervention mechanism that encourages the active engagement of the entire post-conflict
society in its own peace-building and development initiatives. This mechanism is
encapsulated in John Paul Lederach’s Pyramid Model of conflict transformation, which
emphasises the importance of coordinating peace-building activities between and among
the various leadership levels – the top, middle and grassroots leaders of the post-conflict society. This model also advocates that the local community be encouraged to develop and
drive its own peace-building and development activities, which is a major step forward in
reconciling differences, building a sense of belonging, trust, mutual respect and ultimately
societal cohesion. These are very important considerations for any society or state with the
long-term goal of sustainable peace and development. The research study thus
recommends this model for managing South Sudan’s challenges. It urges all stakeholders to
promote the involvement of the local community in peace-building and development
activities and to facilitate peaceful dialogue and reconciliation within South Sudan and with
Sudan in order to achieve viable peace and development in the longer term. / Thesis (M.Soc.Sc.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Pietermaritzburg, 2013.
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The Darfur conflict from the perspective of the rebel justice and equality movementHeleta, Savo January 2009 (has links)
In 2003, a conflict broke out in Darfur, Sudan’s western province, between the mainly “African” rebels and the government forces and their proxy “Arab” militias. It is estimated that about 200,000 people have so far died in the conflict from fighting, disease, and starvation. The UN and aid agencies estimate that over two million Darfurians, out of the population of about six million, are living in refugee camps. Even though the majority of all deaths in Darfur have occurred in 2003 and 2004, the conflict is nowhere near the end. Even after more than five years since the Darfur conflict began, there is hardly any comprehensive information about the rebels’ aims, objectives, and plans for the future. We cannot fully understand the conflict and plan peace negotiations between the warring parties if we do not know enough about the rebels. This study has critically explored the aims and perspectives of the Justice and Equality Movement, currently the most powerful Darfur rebel movement. The author has used the first-hand information gathered through interviews with the representatives of the rebel movement and additional data about the conflict and the rebels collected through an extensive literature analysis to portray the movement and its aims, perspectives, and plans for the future. Using the grounded theory approach as the data analysis tool, the author has presented key findings about the Darfur conflict from the perspective of the Justice and Equality Movement that have emerged from the data collected in this study.
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The SPLM government and the challenges of conflict settlement, state-building and peace-building in South SudanOmeje, Kenneth C., Minde, N. 06 1900 (has links)
Yes / This article examines the key features of state failure that have adversely affected the goal of state-building and peace-building in South Sudan. Drawing on interviews with sections of local and international stakeholders in South Sudan, the article analyses the major areas of state reconstruction and peacebuilding that the Sudan Peoples’ Liberation Movement (SPLM) government has failed to address proactively, areas and issues that seem directly or indirectly linked to the political crisis that started in December 2013 and the relapse into armed conflict. The paper also analyses the recent political developments and ongoing peace process in South Sudan and proffers some complementary policy intervention measures that could be implemented to strengthen the peace process. / This article was made possible through support from the Social Science Research Council’s African Peacebuilding Network (APN) research grant, with funds provided by the Carnegie Corporation of New York.
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A security community in Africa : a critical assessment of the African Union’s contribution towards the construction of a potential security community since 2002De Vos, Johannes Nicolaas 03 1900 (has links)
Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2012. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This thesis seeks to provide a critical discussion of the contributions of the African
Union towards the potential development of an African security community since its
inception in 2002. Utilising Security Community Theory, and the framework for the
study of security communities developed by Adler & Barnett (1998) it commences
with an interrogation of the AU. This interrogation is arranged along the three tiers of
the framework.
The first tier is the precipitating conditions, which cause states to orient themselves
in each other’s direction and desire to coordinate their relations. The second tier
investigates the factors conducive to the development of mutual trust and collective
identity. The third, and final, tier identifies the necessary conditions of dependable
expectations of peaceful change.
The study goes on and introduces three African case studies, which illustrate the
contributions of the African Union towards the potential development of an African
security community. The case studies are the African Union mission in Burundi, the
African Union mission in Sudan, and the recent intervention of the African Union in
the post-election crisis in Côte d'Ivoire. All three case studies were able to provide
ample evidence to illustrate the AU’s contributions.
The study concludes with two major findings. Firstly, this study is able to illustrate
that the AU has made significant contributions towards the development of peace
and security in Africa. Secondly, that the AU has made significant contributions at all
three tiers of the framework, and therefore major contributions to the potential
development of an African security community. However, the AU is still in its
embryonic phase, and any prediction concerning the existence, or potential
existence of an African security community would be premature. Even though there are ostensibly, positive developments in the area of continental
peace and security this study is able to illustrate several remaining challenges to
further contributions by the AU. The first is a lack of resources. The AU is heavily
dependent on the contributions of its member states, and a number of members
persistently fail to meet their contributions to the organization. A second challenge is
the loosely defined relationship with the UN (and other external partners). It is crucial that a constructive relationship be established, if not, differences might antagonise
the two organisations and negatively affect any future contributions of the AU
towards the development of an African security community. Finally, the role of core
states, most notably regional hegemons such as South Africa and Nigeria will remain
important for stabilizing and encouraging the further development of an African
security community. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie tesis poog om n kritiese bespreking te bied van die bydra wat die Afrika Unie
na die potensiele ontwikkeling van n Afrika sekuriteits gemeenskap gemaak het
sedert sy intrede in 2002. Deur gebruik te maak van Sekuriteits Gemeeenskap
Teorie, en die raamwerk vir die studie van sekuriteits gemeenskappe deur Adler &
Barnett (1998) begin die studie met n direkte ondersoek van die AU. Hierdie
ondersoek vind plaas volgens die drie vlakke van die raamwerk.
Die eerste vlak is die kondisies wat veroorsaak dat state hulself na mekaar orienteer,
en n wil ontwikkel om hulle sake te koordineer. Die tweede vlak ondersoek die
faktore vir die ontwikkeling van wedersydse vertroue en gesamentlike identiteit. Die
derde, en finale, vlak identifiseer die nodige kondisies van afhanklike verwagtinge vir
vreedsame verandering.
Die studie gaan voort met drie Afrika geval studies, wat die bydra van die AU na die
potensiele ontwikkeling van n Afrika sekuriteits gemeenskap illustreer. Die geval
studies sluit in die Afrika missie in Burundi, die Afrika missie in Sudan, en die
onlangse intervensie deur die AU in die na-eleksie krisis in Côte d'Ivoire. Al drie
geval studies verskaf wye getuienis wat die bydra van die AU illustreer.
Die studie sluit af met twee hoof bevindings. Eerstens, kon hierdie studie illustreer
dat die AU betekenisvolle bydraes na die ontwikkeling van vrede en sekuriteit in
Afrika gemaak het. Tweedens, dat die AU betekenisvolle bydraes op al drie vlakke
van die raamwerk gemaak het, en daarom ook mondige bydraes tot die potensiele
ontwikkeling van n Afrika sekuriteits gemeenskap gemaak het. Nogtans, is die AU
self nog in n onvolwasse stadium, en enige voorspelling in verband met die bestaan,
of oor die potensiele bestaan van n Afrika sekuriteits gemeenskap is voortydig. Al is daar opmerkilike positiewe ontwikkelinge in die area van kontinentale vrede en
sekuriteit, kan hierdie studie steeds verskeie uitdagings identifiseer wat verdere
bydraes deur die AU kan hinder. Die eerste uitdaging is n tekort aan bevondsing. Die
AU is hoogs afhanklik op die bydrae van sy lidmaat state, maar n paar lede mis
aanhoudend hulle bydraes tot die orginasasie. n Tweede uitdaging is die
ongedefineerde verhouding tussen die AU en die VN (en ander eksterne vennote).
Dit is belangrik dat n konstruktiewe verhouding in werk gestel word, indien nie, kan verskille die twee organisasies van mekaar dryf en enige toekomstige bydraes van
die AU na die potensiele ontwikkeling van n Afrika sekuriteits kompleks negatief
beinvloed. Laastens, sal die rol van kern state, mees aanmerklik streek leiers soos
Suid Afrika en Nigerie, belangrik bly om die sekuriteits kompleks te stabiliseer en
verdere ontwikkeling in die toekoms te bevorder.
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