This work analyzes the political instrumentalization of culture. Specifically, it studies how this is done through cultural policy within Western democracies. The analysis takes, as an example, official Nordic cultural cooperation in the post-war period. During this time, cultural exchange among Nordic countries became the subject of political attention establishing itself as part of the Nordic inter-governmental cooperation framework. This work focuses on three key moments in the history of official Nordic cultural cooperation: (i) the failure of the NORDEK plan (a plan which envisaged extensive economic cooperation between the Nordic countries) and the establishment of the Nordic Council of Ministers in 1971; (ii) the collapse of the Soviet system at the end of the 1980s - beginning of the 1990s; and (iii) the movement towards promoting the Nordic region on the global market in the first decade of the 2000s. The analysis traces the lack of convergence between the official arm’s length principle in cultural policy and how cultural cooperation actually worked. The results of the research both demonstrate the various ways culture was instrumentalized and also prove that the politically defined concept of culture can receive different interpretations in the official discourse depending on current political goals.

This study is primarily concerned with the evolution of the EU as a pluralistic security community throughout the course of European integration. Its main purpose is to examine how the EU member states have managed to renounce the use of force in their relations with one another and consequently succeeded in establishing a lasting peace in Western Europe following World War Two.Within the scope of the study, the EU&rsquo / s attempts to extend its zone of peace and stability beyond its immediate borders by using some foreign policy tools such as the enlargement and the recently launched European Neighbourhood Policy are also explored .Finally, the thesis attempts to evaluate the potential contribution that Turkey would make to the EU security community in the post-Cold War era upon her membership in the EU.

In 1998/99 the European Union (EU) acknowledged a need for an autonomous military action force. In 2007 the European Battlegroups (EUBG) were ready for ‘rapid reaction’. Today, in the year of 2016, they have still never been deployed. – How come the EUBG still exist, even though they have never been used? By an approach of explaining outcome process tracing, this study address – How can we understand the persistence of EUBG within the European Union in terms of integration and disintegration of regional organisations? By the developed theoretical framework of Security Communities (SC), it is argued that the EU, as a ‘tight, pluralistic, mature security community’ possibly cannot revise the renowned EUBG; disintegrate the Union, due to external and internal pressures and integrated features. This is shown by a method of a triangulated approach of surveys, interviews and textual analysis. The research concludes that deep-rooted integration and strong loyalty prevent members, of a regional organisation, to express contingent dissatisfaction and/or leave cooperation.

This thesis attempts to portray the recent course of NATO-Russia relations in the post-Soviet era, especially in terms of the issue of NATO enlargement. In this thesis NATO has been considered not as military alliance but a security community in the sense that probably no NATO member would seriously consider the use of military force as a means of problem solving among themselves. Besides this thesis examines the current state of NATO and traces its transformation from the end of the Cold War to the post September 11 era. The thesis also examines the Russian foreign policy orientation in terms of NATO enlargement after the Cold War and it will also concentrate on the new security relationship after 11 September 2001 between NATO and Russia. The thesis argues that Russia&rsquo / s inability to improve its relations with NATO stands from the fact that post-Soviet Russian leadership has been unable to reform its military structure and security culture in accordance with NATO&rsquo / s attempts at redefining its identity and strategy in the post-Cold War.

Ce travail a pour objectif d'analyser la nature et l'ampleur des tentatives d'institutionnalisation d'un régime régional de sécurité dans le cadre de la communauté des États de l'Afrique de l'Ouest (CEDEAO). Elle part du constat que la fin de la guerre froide et la globalisation ont provoqué un changement dans la nature de la conflictualité et changé la donne pour l'ONU et les grandes puissances dans le domaine du maintien de la paix. Face à la multiplication des conflits internes et régionaux, on observe l'émergence de nouveaux acteurs de sécurité qui leur contestent le monopole des opérations de maintien de la paix et de la sécurité. En Afrique de l'Ouest, sous l'action de la CEDEAO, on assiste à partir de 1990 à la "sécurisation" progressive d'enjeux non militaires (politique, social, économique et environnemental) avec comme objectif, la mise en place d'une communauté de sécurité. En nous appuyant sur les cas empiriques d'interventions de la CEDEAO au Libéria, en Sierra Léone et en Guinée-Bissau entre autres, nous analysons pourquoi et comment la régionalisation des opérations de paix a produit des transformations, notamment une politique d'intégration et une reformulation des enjeux sécuritaires dans la région. Cela nous conduit à appréhender la CEDEAO comme région et comme acteur de sécurité dans le champ des relations internationales. En recourant à différentes approches (fonctionnalistes, constructivistes, réalistes), nous explorons d'une part le processus régional de sécurisation au plan empirique et institutionnel, et d'autre part les difficultés, les apprentissages et les jeux d'acteurs dans le champ des opérations de paix. Dans la mesure où ce dernier est ouvert et investi par différents acteurs, se pose également la question de la coordination de leurs interventions. / This thesis aims at analyzing the nature and scope of attempts at institutionalizing a regional security regime within the framework of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS). The end of the Cold War and globalization led to changes in the nature of conflicts and modified the parameters for the UN and the Great Powers in the area of peacekeeping. The multiplication of internal and regional conflicts led to the emergence of new security actors who put an end to the monopolization of peacekeeping and security operations by the traditional actors like the UN. From 1990 on, a progressive "securization" of non-military stakes (political, social, economic and environmental issues) took place in West Africa under the auspices of CEDEAO, with the goal of creating a security community. Based on empirical evidence of CEDEAO interventions in Liberia, Sierra Leone and Guinea-Bissau among others, we analyze why and how the regionalization of peace operations produced transformations, notably the crafting of an integration policy and the reformulation of security stakes in the region. Such reflection leads us to comprehend CEDEAO not only as a region, but also as a security actor in the field of International Relations. Drawing upon diverse approaches (functionalist, constructivist, and realist) we not only explore the regional security regime construction process in an empirical and institutional perspective, but also analyze difficulties, lessons learned and actor strategies in the field of peace operations. Since peacekeeping is traditionally an open field with many competing actors, we also investigate into the coordination of their interventions.

This thesis examines processes of peace-promotion in the Balkans since the end of the Cold War. It is conducted from the perspective of International Relations theory and as such identifies peace as a pattern of order defined by the analytical framework of security communities. In this respect, the thesis argues that the initiation of a security community in the Balkans is a result of the post- 1999 international socialisation of regional decision-making by the EU and NATO. It, therefore, advances the concept of an elite security community as the embryonic stage of securitycommunity- building. The focus on state-elites is an outcome of the procedural dynamics of socialisation, where it is the decision-making behaviour that signifies compliance with externallypromoted standards. The conjecture is that the promotion of peace in the Balkans is the result of the extension of the Euro-Atlantic security community. The inference is that both the EU and NATO tend to be more convincing agents of socialisation as a result of their association/partnership and accession programmes. Being a complex and context specific process, the conditioning of Balkan states into a security-community-pattern of relations is underwritten by the Euro-Atlantic exercise of socialising power. This notion of power, however, is not defined as the control of policy-outcomes, but instead emphasises the ability of external actors to cause change in decision-making behaviour. The thesis also argues that the process of international socialisation has different effects depending on the nature of statehood in the target entities - in integrated states the external agency is both more immediate to discern and implement, while in awkward states the process tends to be longer and more intricate. Yet, as the case of the Balkans attests, the extension of the Euro-Atlantic security community to the region depends on the viable (even if distant) prospect of membership in the EU and NATO. In this way the thesis contributes to understanding the early stages of initiating a security community, as well as the role played by international actors in its promotion.

The study assesses Adler and Barnett's (1998) three tier framework with a specific focus on the mature phase of their framework that emphasises mutual trust and collective identity as necessary conditions for establishing a security community. Adler and Barnett's (1998) three tier framework is applied to SADC's efforts of establishing a security community in the Southern African region. The study explores the reasoning behind SADC's creation with a specific focus on regional integration and how it defines its security architecture and political rationale. By focusing on regional integration and defining SADC's security architecture and political rationale the study outlines how the organisation is making efforts of establishing a security community. This is indicated by describing how SADC has attained the nascent and ascendant phase through its various initiatives and programmes such as the RISDP, SIPO I and II and MDP which provide evidence that there is a sense of cooperation and coordination among SADC member states. The study argues that SADC has reached the nascent and ascendant phase although the regional organisation has not yet progressed to the mature phase of establishing itself as a security community. The study critiques Adler and Barnett's (1998) third phase, which stresses the importance of two necessary conditions of mutual trust and collective identity. Mutual trust and collective identity are evaluated and analysed in respect of whether or not they are relatable and recognised within SADC as a possible emerging security community. The main finding of the study is that mutual trust and collective identity are not recognised in SADC in the manner in which Adler and Barnett (1998) describe them in their three tier framework. However SADC does make efforts to strengthen mutual trust, coordinate strategies and policies to develop collective identity, rather its efforts are not sufficient to make it a security community in the manner Adler and Barnett (1998) understand it. SADC continues to uphold a strict adherence to sovereignty, and is also characterised by domestic instability, lack of common norms and interests among member states and these are major problems for the organisation to create a security community. / Mini Dissertation (M Security Studies)--University of Pretoria, 2017. / Political Sciences / M Security Studies / Unrestricted

The aim of the thesis was to show the weakness of SAARC right from its origins as well as a great flaw in the making of the charter which excluded the notion of security as well as "bilateral" and "contentious" issues to be discussed in the organization. South Asia has for long been an area prone to violence and mistrust and the exclusion of elements of vital importance has further added to the weakness of SAARC. In the following work I will portray the dynamics and working of the region of SAARC as well as individual countries on how it affects the region as a whole and also why SAARC continues to be a toothless organization in-spite knowing the origin of the problem and why nothing is being done. Also, with the case study of India and Pakistan, it shows us that when two nations of totally opposite ideologies and bloody beginnings since independence exist within the region, the idea of integration is a far fetched dream.

A Dinamarca possui, sem dúvida alguma, uma das políticas mais excepcionais em relação à Europa integrada. Desde os primórdios da integração europeia, no início dos anos 50, o país demonstrou um forte ceticismo e, para alguns, um forte receio com a ideia de uma Europa unida. Mesmo após sua incorporação à Comunidade Europeia, no início dos anos 70, a Dinamarca se posicionou como membro de uma outra comunidade, a nórdica, e que, dessa forma, seu papel na Comunidade Europeia consistia em criar uma ponte entre estas duas comunidades. Era de comum entendimento entre as elites do país, bem como por grande parte da sociedade civil, que a integração europeia representava valores típicos da Europa continental que, por sua vez, conflitavam com os valores nórdicos. O excepcionalismo dinamarquês manteve-se mesmo após o término da Guerra Fria, quando, em 1993, o Governo do país compreendeu, em seu Livro Branco, que a União Europeia seria o principal fórum internacional para a promoção dos valores e interesses da Dinamarca, mas devido a uma recusa popular em aceitar o Tratado que Estabelecia a União Europeia, o país estipulou a existência de quatro ressalvas formais os opt-outs às políticas europeias, entre aquelas mais sensíveis à soberania nacional. Inúmeras hipóteses foram levantadas na tentativa de compreender tal peculiaridade, entre estas, destacamos a existência de uma percepção mantida tanto pela elite política do país, como por parte da sociedade civil, de uma alternativa nórdica à Europa. Dessa forma, a relutância dinamarquesa com o processo europeu de integração poderia ser compreendido pelo desejo do país em se inserir em um outro processo de integração, somente entre os países nórdicos. Tendo em vista tal entendimento, esta pesquisa, através de uma abordagem sociológico-histórica, tem por objetivo compreender em que medida a percepção de uma alternativa nórdica à Europa impactou na construção do, então chamado, dilema de integração dinamarquês, ou seja, desta posição relutante desenvolvida pelo país em relação à Comunidade Europeia / União Europeia. Para colaborar, iremos analisar a questão nórdica no desenvolvimento da política externa e de segurança da Dinamarca. Argumentaremos que embora nem sempre tenha sido apresentado como uma alternativa real, a questão nórdica demonstra-se de extrema importância para compreender a posição dinamarquesa na Europa. / Denmark has, without doubt, one of the most exceptional policies towards Europe. From the beginning of European integration in the early 50s the country has demonstrated a strong skepticism and, for some, a strong concern with the idea of a united Europe. Even after her incorporation into the European Community in the early 70s, Denmark has positioned herself as a member of another community, the Nordic one, and, therefore, the Danish role in the European Community was to \'build bridges\' between these two communities. It was a common understanding among the Danish elites, and to a large part of civil society, that European integration represented typical values of the \'continental Europe\' which, in turn, were in conflict with the Nordic values. The Danish exceptionalism remained even after the end of the Cold War, when in 1993 the Danish government understood in its White Paper that the European Union would be the main international forum for the promotion of Danish values and interest, but due to a popular refusal to accept the Treaty that established the European Union, the government stipulated the existence of four formal reservations - the opt-outs to European policies, among those most sensitive to national sovereignty. Several hypotheses have been raised in an attempt to understand this peculiarity, among these, we can highlight the existence of a perception both by the political elite of the country as by civil society of a Nordic alternative to Europe. Thus, the Danish reluctance to the European integration process could be understood by the country\'s desire to be part in another integration process, among the Nordic countries. Therefore, through a historical sociological approach, this research seeks to understand to what extent the perception of a Nordic alternative to Europe impacted on the construction of the so called \'Danish integration dilemma, i.e. in this reluctant position developed by the country towards the European Community / European Union. To this end, we will examine the Nordic question in the development of the Danish Foreign and Security Policy. We will argue that although it has not always been presented as a real alternative, the Nordic question can be seen as a very important factor to understand the Danish position in Europe.

O presente trabalho trata do emprego das Forças Armadas dos países da América do Sul levando em consideração o panorama geopolítico pós-Guerra Fria. Dois são os objetivos principais: estabelecer cenários geopolíticos para o subcontinente com base em diferentes paradigmas da Teoria das Relações Internacionais e, a partir desses cenários, analisar o emprego das Forças Armadas na América do Sul diante das atuais características geopolíticas. Considera-se como recorte temporal, para tal estudo, o período compreendido entre o fim da Guerra Fria e os dias atuais e, como recorte espacial, a escala subcontinental. Por meio de uma abordagem plurimetodológica, analisa-se o sentido geopolítico das iniciativas de cooperação e integração militar entre os países sul-americanos – fenômeno que, em virtude da autonomia de que ainda dispõem os meios militares na região, ocorre de forma paralela às demais dimensões do processo de integração regional. Adotando uma perspectiva construtivista de abordagem das Relações Internacionais, procura-se, também, analisar a possibilidade de construção no subcontinente de uma Comunidade de Segurança. Por fim, em caráter meramente prospectivo, procura-se analisar as possibilidades de emprego das Forças Armadas na América do Sul considerando quatro diferentes cenários: clássico (escala nacional), construtivista (escala regional), hegemônico (escala hemisférica) e idealista (escala global). / This work concerns the use military roles of South American countries, taking into consideration the post-Cold War geopolitic panorama. There are two main objectives: stablish geopolitic sceneries for the subcontinent based on different International Relations Theory paradigms and, to from these sceneries, analyse the function of the Forces in the South America faced the present geopolitic characteristics. This study considers the period between the end of Cold War and the present days, having as spatial setting the subcontinental scale. Through a plurimethodological approoch, this work analyses the geopolitical meaning of military cooperation and integration initiative in the South American countries – phenomenon that has been a parallel process of regional integration due to military forces autonomy. By means of constructivist perspective of International Relation Theory also analysing the possibility of constucting a Security Community in the subcontinent. At last, under a prospective character it analyses the possibility of the military forces appliance in the South America, considering four different sceneries: classic (national scale), constructivist (regional scale), hegemonic (hemispheric scale) and idealist (global scale).