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This thesis seeks to show that the origins of the 1961 British application to join the European Community lay primarily in the long standing personal commitment of Prime Minister Harold Macmillan both to the idea of supranational European aaangemeats, and to full British participation in them. It argues that fiom the beginning of his political career in the late 1920's, Macmillan displayed a strong commitment to an internationalist political philosophy dedicated to creating a new European and world order that would transcend and replace the nation-states of Europe and their colonial empires, and suppress European economic and political nationalism. His work and close involvement with the leading promoters of this world view is charted, including his membership of groups such as the Round Table, the Royal Institute for International Affairs (RIIA), and Political and Economic Planning (PEP). In particular, his active role in the establishment of the post 1945 European Movement and in his consistent dedication to the creation of supranational European institutions, is described. It is shown, moreover, that Macmillan maintained his European Movement connections throughout his time in high political office, and it is advocated that they hold the key to explaining the evolution of the application to join the European Community which he orchestrated as British Prime Minister in July 1961. It is also argued, that a logical manifestation of Macmillan's internationalist world view and commitment io European supranational integration, was a long-standing sympathy with the ideas and methods of the Soviet Union, and a belief that stable world management could be achieved as a result of a close collaboration with it.

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La thèse effectue une revue de la littérature scientifique sur la Cour dans le processus d’intégration juridique, en classant les différentes positions selon qu’ils définissent le rôle de la Cour comme réactif ou pro-actif. En faisant cette revue de la littérature, cinq facteurs sont mis en exergue pour ce qui concerne la problématique de l’autonomie de la Cour, qui feront l’objet d’une analyse approfondie dans la suite de la thèse : I) Limites inhérentes à l’interprétation juridique des Traités tels qu’ils se retrouvent dans les règles institutionnalisées du raisonnement de la Cour ; II) L’interaction, au niveau européen, entre la Cour et les autres institutions ; III) Les pressions et les stratégies d’influence des Etats membres vis-à-vis de la Cour comme agent de leurs préférences ; IV) La dépendance structurelle de la Cour supranationale vis-à-vis ses interlocuteurs judiciaires au niveau national ; V) Le degré d’obéissance que les appareils administratifs et exécutifs des Etats membres démontrent vis-à-vis la jurisprudence de la Cour. Par rapport à ces facteurs, et leur importance relative dans la détermination de la ligne d’action de la Cour de Justice, la thèse évalue les changements et les défis auxquels est soumise la fonction de la Cour de justice au niveau de l’Union européenne, en particulier par rapport à l’environnement de plus en plus critique ou évolue la trajectoire jurisprudentielle de la Cour par rapport aux acteurs politiques et juridiques, l’érosion du caractère sui generis du droit communautaire dans le contexte du droit international, le rôle de plus en plus affiché des cours nationales, et le contexte institutionnel dans lequel se trouve à agir cette juridiction.

Why do some states develop deeper regionalism while others do not? Comparing European and Asian regionalism, this study provides an alternative explanation of different types of regionalism and the national variations in regionalization since the mid 1980s. It defines regionalism as a strategy pursued by a state that desires to enhance its governability of the national economy when market authority outgrows state authority. The rise of regionalism in the neoliberal world economic order changes the balance between the state’s public power and the state’s market governability, consequently resulting in a political convergence toward a majoritarian political system based on individualism and delegative democracy. However, regionalism is realized in very distinctive patterns across different regions as the different historical paths of regional capitalism shape the state-society relationship and the state’s capability of governing the national economy. European welfare states developed a deeper regionalism because they sought to impose a neoliberal economic transformation on their societies by shifting their economic priority of equality and economic policy making based on social concertation toward efficiency and the formation of an encompassing distributional coalition. In contrast, Asian developmental states prefer preserving national autonomy to relying on a formal regional institution to constrain states’ national authority because they are more capable of implementing the neoliberal economic transformation in terms of market governability and the formation of encompassing distributional coalitions.

This thesis looks at justice and home affairs (JHA) policy-making in the European Union (EU). JHA refers to those areas which have traditionally been the domain of interior and justice ministries on the national level and which are now dealt with on the EU level on the basis of the Treaty on European Union (TEU) and includes areas such as immigration and asylum, visa policy and police co-operation. In short, this thesis aims to examine why the governments of the member states chose to start co-operating on these issues within the EU, what the nature of this co-operation is and what does it tell us about the EU in general. The thesis looks firstly at the forms of JHA co-operation prior to the TEU and how this led to the national governments deciding to give it a Treaty basis within the EU. There is then an account of how the negotiations on the TEU developed and resulted in JHA being governed by a set of Treaty provisions quite different to those for other policy areas. This is followed by two case studies looking in detail at how JHA policy was made after the TEU entered into force; these deal with visa policy and immigration and asylum. To help in this, two theoretical approaches, taken from political science studies of European integration, are used, namely neofunctionalism and liberal intergovernmentalism. These allow us to identify the extent to which the same processes and factors influence JHA policy-making as in more traditional areas of Community policy-making, and allow for conclusions to be drawn on what JHA policy-making can tell us about wider issues of European integration.

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