Thesis (LLM)-- Stellenbosch University, 2013. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Secession is one of the oldest and probably more controversial themes of public international law. The potential of a right to secede draws even more controversy amongst international law scholars and lawyers alike. This research merges classical international law perspectives on secession and the right to secede in particular, within a contemporary setting. Two research questions are answered: (i) Does a legitimate right to state secession exist under contemporary international law; if so, what are its normative characteristics? (ii) What is the position of the International Court of Justice (ICJ) in the realisation of a legitimate right to secede, considering its opinion in the Kosovo-case? The work follows a normative methodological approach in tackling and presenting the arguments towards and against the legitimacy of the right to secede. This allows for a clear interrogation of the norms constituting classic international law against the realities of an evolving pedagogy. Classical international law is traditionally statecentred, primarily due to the 1648 legacy of the Treaty (Peace) of Westphalia. However, contemporary international law has come to incorporate the roles of nonstate actors and even individuals. Consequently, the impact of secession extends beyond traditional international law norms like; territorial integrity and sovereignty, nationalism and uti possidetis. Moving forward, a critical inclusion within modern conceptualisation of secession needs to be considerations like, the right to selfdetermination and the promotion of human rights. The research departs with a clear comprehension of the status quo of a general theory of secession. The identification of a prescriptive general theory of secession remains rather elusive. However, cogent arguments are presented for the establishment of a right to secede with a sufficient legal foundation to support a general theory and find effective enforcement for the right. The arguments for the right to secede are rooted within a sound conceptual framework and historical context. In dealing with the normative characteristics of the right to secede, the historic reasoning of Shaw is utilised in order to establish a legal process for secession. This reasoning is applied in the presentation of the municipal manifestation of the right to secede, which traditionally is found in the constitutional entrenchments of the right. The relationship between the right to secede and selfdetermination is presented through a balancing of the components that constitute the right to self-determination. Following the Canadian Supreme Court’s contribution on the right to self-determination in the Quebec-case, the aspirations of peoples for selfdetermination needs to follow this dual view of self-determination as consisting of the right to internal and external self-determination. The contemporary position of the right to secede under international law is best illustrated in the ICJ treatment of secession in its Kosovo Opinion. The focus here is to present new insights into the impact of unilateralism and multilateralism in the interaction with secession. Ultimately, this research in its normative methodological approach presents the arguments both ancient and contemporary for the legitimate potential of a right to secede. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: In die internationale reg, is sessessie (afskeiding) sekerlik een van die meer kontroversiële temas. Binne die geledere van akademici en praktisyns veroorsaak die moontlikheid van ‘n reg tot afskeiding selfs meer onenigheid. Met hierdie navorsing word die klassieke sienings hieroor in die internationale reg saamgesnoer binne ‘n meer hedendaagse uitleg. Twee navorsingsvrae word beantwoord: (i) Bestaan daar ‘n legitieme reg vir staatsafskeiding binne die hendendaagse internationale reg en indien wel wat is die normatiewe karaktereienskappe van so ‘n reg? (ii) Wat is die stand van die Internationale hof vir Geregtigheid (ICJ) aangaande die verwesinliking van ‘n legitieme reg op afskeiding in die lig van die hof se uitspraak in die Kosovo-Opinie. Die navorsing volg ‘n normatiewe metodologiese benadering om die argumente teen asook vir die legitieme reg op afskeiding te voer. Dit skep ruimte vir ‘n duidelike bevraagtekening van die klassieke internationale regsnorme teen die agtergrond van ‘n transformerende pedagogie. Die klassieke internationale reg is kenmerkend staatsgeorienteerd, grootendeels as gevolg van die nalatingskap van die 1648 Verdrag (Vrede) van Westphalia. Tog gee hedendaagse internasionale reg erkening aan die handelinge van nie-regeringsentiteite en selfs individue. Gevolglik, strek die impak van sessessie heel verder as tradisionele internasionale regsnorme soos; territoriale integriteit en soewereiniteit, nasionalisme en uti possidetis. 'n Kritiese blik op die moderne begrip van sessessie moet oorwegings soos die reg op selfbeskikking en die bevordering van menseregte in ag neem om vooriutgang te bewerkstellig. Die navorsing begin met 'n duidelike begrip van die status quo insake 'n algemene teorie van sessessie. Die identifisering van 'n voorskriftelike algemene teorie van afskeiding bly ongelukkig ontwykend. Tog word oortuigende argumente vir die vestiging van 'n reg om af te skei gevoer. Dit gaan gepaard met 'n voldoende regsgrondslag wat 'n algemene teorie ondersteun, asook die moontlikheid vir die doeltreffende uitvoering van die reg. Die argumente ter ondersteuning van die reg tot afskeiding word geïllustreer binne 'n verantwoordbare konseptuele raamwerk en historiese konteks. In die hantering van die normatiewe kenmerke van die reg word die klassieke redenasie van Shaw benut ten einde 'n regsproses vir afskeiding te vestig. Hierdie redenasie word toegepas by die handtering van voorbeelde oor plaaslike manifestasies van die reg to afskeiding. Hierdie plaaslike manifestasies word tradisioneel gevind binne state se grondwetlike erkennings van die reg. Die verhouding tussen die reg om af te skei en selfbeskikking word aangebied deur 'n balansering van die komponente waaruit die reg op selfbeskikking bestaan. Na aanleiding van die Kanadese Hooggeregshof se bydrae tot die reg om selfbeskikking in die Quebec-saak, is die aspirasies van volkere vir selfbeskikking gevestig in die reg om interne en eksterne selfbeskikking. Die kontemporêre posisie van die reg om af te skei ingevolge die internasionale reg word goed geïllustreer in die Wêreldhof se behandeling van afskeiding in die Kosovo-Opinie. Die fokus hier is die uitleg van nuwe insig oor die mag van unilateralisme en multilateralisme in die interaksies oor sessessie. Ten slotte bied hierdie navorsing in sy normatiewe metodologiese benadering die argumente, beide antiek en kontemporêre, vir die legitieme potensiaal van 'n reg om af te skei.

臺獨運動萌興於一九四七年臺灣本島爆發「二二八事件」之後，一批 不滿中華民國政府行政作為之知識分子潛往日本，倡議成立「台灣共和國 」，開啟臺獨運動規模，繼而臺獨運動重心轉至美國，並於一九九一年因 中華民國政府之民主開放措施，而使臺獨運動重心遷回臺灣本島。由臺獨 運動之活動軌跡，顯見綿延四十餘年之臺獨運動，其動力已非單一因素所 能支撐，而係夾雜有歷史的、文化的、心理的、意識型態的、權力分配的 、外交的及省籍情緒的政治功能，亟需做有系統的探討分析。本文係採政 治系統動態模式，作為研究分析的架構，共計分為七大章，除第一章緒論 外，本文研究進程為（一）藉由探討台獨運動形成的內、外環境因素，了 解臺獨運動的歷史背景因素〔第二章〕；（二）逐一引介辨析「臺灣地位 未定論」、「臺灣民族論」、「臺灣民族自決論」、「一台一中論」等臺 獨運動之理論主張〔第三章〕；（三）針對目前活要臺獨派系「獨盟」、 「美系」、「新系」及「獨台會」之政治理念、組織變遷予以系統整理解 析〔第四章〕；（四）另再就臺海兩岸政府對「統一」、「反獨」之政策 作為及國際社會對臺獨運動之觀感反應，做一檢討〔第五章〕；（五）最 後運用模式變項理論，分析七種臺獨運動的可能發展方案〔第六章〕及六 種化解臺獨運動的政策建議〔第七章〕。以作為本文之研究發展及結論。

Thesis (M.A.)--University of Hawaii at Manoa, 2008. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 151-167). / viii, 167 leaves, bound 29 cm

This thesis covers the first Philippine Independence Mission made to the United States in the early 20th century. Shortly following the conclusion of World War I, representatives from the Philippines sought to gain fulfillment of its independence. The origins and history of the Philippine independence movement are traced from its push against Spanish rule to the efforts to gain sovereignty from American governorship through major political figures, such as the highly influential Manuel L. Quezon, as well as the American arguments for and against withdrawing from the Philippines through the platforms of political parties and individual politicians. Despite American support for the movement, the Philippine delegates faced complicated political motivations, doubts about the stability of the Philippine government, and concerns about the potential consequences of leaving the Philippines without an American presence. This thesis was completed before the Philippines were granted full independence from the United States in 1946.

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The Korean Independence Movement was a four decades long endeavor from 1905 to 1945 by Koreans to liberate Korea from Japanese colonization. Korean immigrants in America played a vital role in the movement. They contributed money, organized patriotic activities in their communities to raise awareness and issued appeals for support to the U.S. government. Throughout the years, and from generation to generation, Korean immigrants remained loyal to Korea's cause for liberation. This study discusses how this intense patriotic involvement to their homeland affected Koreans immigrants' experiences in America, namely, how such intense overseas nationalism shaped their Americanization process. Korean immigrants have told about their experiences in the form of memoirs, short narratives, interviews and speeches. These provide many first-person perspectives from which to understand Korean immigrants' changing senses of community, patriotism and acculturation. Many of these sources have come available in the last twenty years, but academic scholars have left these source largely untouched. Historians of Korean immigrant history often discuss the political components of the K.I.M. Although recognizing the importance of the Korean Independence Movement to Korean immigrants, scholars have, nonetheless, said very little as to how this movement affected them socially. This study examines how America influenced historical developments culturally by shaping the attitudes of Korea's most politically active nationalists--the Korean immigrants in America. Furthermore, this study argues that Koreans in America utilized the K.I.M. for much more than Korean independence and that their motives evolved throughout the decades. The early immigrants used the K.I.M. as a means to establish a Korean community and establish social networks while the later activists, particularly after 1919, used their demonstrations to broadcast their distinct Asian identity as well as their assimilation and loyalty to America. More simply put, Korean patriotism and Korean immigrant "Americanization," are intimately connected.

This study examines the mobilisation and identity formation of the Scottish independence movement post-referendum. By analysing arguments, emotions and actions in support for independence, I aim to discuss how the movement make use of cultural perspectives on history for continuous mobilisation. The study focuses on the members of the umbrella organisation of Yes Scotland, which is a diverse network of activist and party-political groups. To understand the movement, I have made use of a political and active approach such as participating in meetings and at demonstrations. Importantly, while I acknowledge how the Scottish independence movement navigates within a discourse of nationalism because of its nationalist character, I argue that the movement mainly make use of an alternative ideology. This ideology is tied to historical narratives which are remade in present forms and take several expressions. For instance, I claim that this ideology generates the practice of international solidarity as well as a specific identity which is constructed and reproduced for one specific political project: to achieve Scottish independence. This thesis is a contribution to the study of social movements, as well as it provides understanding of reasoning beyond and within nationalism.

This study attempts to explore the factors that contributed to the rise and fall of military regimes in the Sudan from independence in 1956 to 1989. Further, the study tries to identify the factors that led to the collapse of either or both civilian and military regimes. Most of the studies on military politics have focused their research on either military coups or, more recently, on military withdrawal from politics. This work tries to synthesize the study of military coups and military withdrawal from politics into a single theoretical framework.

本論文共分六章九節，全篇計九萬餘言。第一章緒論，敘述在中國東 北地區的韓人社會背景及本論文的研究旨趣。第二章是義兵與獨立軍在中 國東北的發展，分為三節；第一節了解獨立軍的母體，即舊韓末時期的義 兵形成，義兵展開的反日活動、義兵追求的民族精神以及「三一運動」的 爆發與其影響；第二節敘述獨立軍歷史的背景、獨立軍在中國東北發展的 原因、各獨立軍團體的建立及發展過程；第三節主要述及「韓日合併」後 的在中國東北地區義兵活動與義兵對獨立軍團組織產生的作用。第三章是 獨立軍的組織､養成及裝備，分為兩節；第一節由獨立軍內部組織，觀察 主導勢力情況、及其思想及追求的理念、運用軍隊行政方面的事項等；第 二節討論由養成獨立軍的徵兵制度實施、籌備軍費及武器等的問題。第四 章是獨立軍的戰鬥活動，共分兩節；第一節依時間順序敘述，獨立軍的活 動以表和圖來說明獨立軍攻擊韓國境內的活動狀況；第二節由在中國東北 的獨立軍與日軍交戰中，探討獨立軍的對戰爭的態度、戰役經過、及戰役 影響等。第五章是獨立軍的發展與國際關係，共分兩節；第一節分析中國 政府對中國東北獨立軍活動之取締與放任；第二節主要論及在中國東北的 獨立軍活動所帶來的中、日兩國之間的交涉及處理韓民問題。第六章結論 ，綜述本文研究成果，而了解在中國東北地區韓人獨立運動史上的地位。

日本系統的台獨運動在1950年代發端至1960年代由台灣青年社扛起大旗並引領、啟蒙世界各地的台灣留學生，在1970年代交棒，台獨運動的重心轉至美國。在這樣一個運動興衰的過程中，台灣青年社無疑扮演了 「銜接與轉換點」的關鍵角色。《台灣青年》作為台灣青年社的機關刊物，更承擔起論述台灣民族主義的重責大任。《台灣青年》所呈現的台灣民族主義面貌，在對外的界線上，劃出了中國人與台灣人的清楚鴻溝，但包納了在海外的台僑，在對內的界線上，曖昧的區分出原住民與漢人，但對閩客問題卻未有更多的討論。在 「台灣人」的內涵中，《台灣青年》試圖以多種方式定義台灣人，有從族群演變的觀點，也有從歷史事實的分隔點，更試圖直接探討抽象理論，希望找到清楚定義的嘗試。而對於台灣人過去的書寫，具有代表性的「列傳」專欄，卻呈現出立場跳動的問題，最後草草收場。在觀察史明等人的共同體論述後，大致可以認定，《台灣青年》主張台灣人意識與中國人意識從未重疊發展，而是在不同的空間下各自發展，而當台灣在日本統治下發展出具近代性意義的共同體意識時，中國卻尚未形成，這也是兩者無法消弭的界線。而台灣的現在到未來，《台灣青年》也持續不斷的觀察、思考與想像。在國際上，他們堅持要求尊重台灣人民族自決的權利，進而創造出一中一台的國際空間，在國內，他們針貶時政，並在海外對島內的政治反對運動遙相呼應，同時以清晰的表達台灣民族主義運動的立場來為將來定調。 / The Taiwan independent movement in Japan launched from 1950’s.During 1960’s ,it was lead by Taiwan Chinglian(Youth) Association, to inspire Taiwanese students studying abroad worldwide. Until 1970’s the independent movement was transported from Japan to America. From 1960’s to 1970’s, Taiwan Chinglian(Youth) Association played a key role .Taiwan Chinglian , as a journal of Taiwan Chinglian(Youth) Association, took the great responsibility of defining and explaining the meaning of Taiwanese Nationalism.First of all, The defining made by Taiwan Chinglian , it clearly told the difference of Chinese and Taiwanese, but including overseas Taiwanese .Second, it not apparently told the difference of aborigine and Han people , and did not discuss the difference of the problem between Minnan people and Hakka people .In the contents of Taiwanese , Taiwan Chinglian tried to use variety approaches to define Taiwanese, someone defined it from the changing of folk ,someone defined from confirming the turning point of historical truth ,and someone even tried to discuss the abstract theory . In explanation of Taiwan history ,the representative column ‘Biography(列傳)’ failed to find the same standard to define Taiwanese. After observing the community discourse of Su-Bing and the others, we can find that they considered Taiwanese awareness and Chinese awareness has never engaged and developed in different spaces. When Taiwanese had developed the modern community consciousness under Japan’s domination , Chinese modern community consciousness had not yet .And that is the line between Taiwanese and Chinese that can not be erased. In 1960’s ,Taiwan Chinglian continued to observe and imagine the exist and the future of Taiwanese. About international affair , they demanded other countries to respect the Taiwanese right of national self-determination , and claim one China and one Taiwan . They discussed and cared about the politics and democracy activities on the inside of Taiwan . and clearly stated the stand point of Taiwanese nationalism activity to define the future of Taiwan.