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The Global ETD Search service is a free service for researchers
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Showing 11 to 15 of 15 (0.101 seconds)| 11 |
L’effet des factions radicales au sein du mouvement indépendantiste québécoisFortier, Jacob 04 1900 (has links)
Pourquoi certains mouvements indépendantistes principalement non-violents sont-ils entraînés dans la violence par des factions radicales tandis que d’autres mouvements résistent à l’escalade des violences et continuent de s’engager sur une trajectoire non-violente ? Au Québec, la tentative la plus achevée du FLQ de faire escalader le conflit entre le mouvement indépendantiste et les forces étatiques s’est soldée par la dissolution des factions radicales et la disparition progressive de la violence au sein du répertoire d’action du mouvement. De même, l’escalade du conflit entre le FLQ et les forces étatiques lors de la crise d’Octobre n’a pas entraîné d’autres organisations indépendantistes vers la violence et c’est plutôt un processus de désescalade qui s’est mis en place, permettant ensuite au mouvement de réaliser plusieurs succès électoraux. En s’appuyant sur des entretiens semi-dirigés avec d’anciens militants indépendantistes et des recherches d’archives, ce mémoire retrace ainsi le processus par lequel les factions radicales ont échoué à radicaliser la trajectoire du mouvement indépendantiste québécois des années 1960 avant de disparaître au début de la décennie suivante. L’analyse soulève plus spécifiquement les mesures imposées par les principales organisations indépendantistes pour faire dé-escalader la violence et maintenir le mouvement sur sa trajectoire non-violente au travers de différents épisodes historiques. Ce mémoire révèle finalement comment un niveau de coopération de plus en plus important entre organisations indépendantistes concernant la posture à adopter vis-à-vis de la violence a permis d’isoler les franges radicales à l’intérieur du mouvement et d’empêcher ainsi les extrémistes d’affecter la réputation du mouvement ou d’entraver sa trajectoire démocratique et non-violente. / Why do radical factions draw some predominantly non-violent independence movements into violence, while other movements resist the escalation of violence and continue on their non-violent trajectory? In Quebec, the FLQ's most successful attempt to escalate the conflict between the independence movement and state forces during the October crisis resulted in the dissolution of radical factions and the gradual disappearance of violence from the movement's repertoire of action. Based on semi-structured interviews with former pro-independence activists and archival research, this thesis traces the process by which radical factions failed to radicalize the trajectory of the Quebec pro-independence movement in the 1960s before disappearing early in the following decade. Specifically, the analysis highlights the measures imposed by the main pro-independence organizations to defuse violence and keep the movement on its non-violent path through different historical episodes. This thesis ultimately reveals how an increasing level of cooperation among pro-independence organizations regarding the stance to take on violence has served to isolate radical factions within the movement and prevent extremists from affecting the movement's reputation or hindering its democratic and nonviolent trajectory.
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Ferdinand Ier de Bulgarie : politique étrangère et diplomatie (1887-1918) / Ferdinand I of Bulgaria : Foreign Policy and Diplomacy (1887-1918)Nicollet, Charlotte 13 October 2016 (has links)
Fondée en 1878 par le traité de San Stefano, mutilée par celui de Berlin, la principauté autonome de Bulgarie voit ses destinées confiées en 1887 à Ferdinand de Saxe-Cobourg et Gotha. Le nouveau knyaz est contraint dès son avènement à imposer sa personne et les ambitions de son pays dans l’arène internationale. Après une lutte de longue haleine pour obtenir la reconnaissance de son titre par le concert européen, il s’évertue à mener les Bulgares vers la réalisation de leurs idéaux nationaux. Il se heurte aux blocages dus aux liens unissant Sofia à Constantinople, à la rivalité des États environnants et aux politiques balkaniques contradictoires des puissances. Le prince aiguise au fil des ans son sens de la diplomatie et déploie une politique extérieure visant à tirer profit à la fois de la position stratégique de son pays et des rivalités des forces en présence, tout en exploitant à bon escient les circonstances successives. Sa politique de bascule aux ressorts progressivement définis est mise en œuvre, et à l’épreuve, au cours des secousses qui rythment les deux premières décennies du XXe siècle. Si elle permet à la Bulgarie d’accéder à l’indépendance, et au statut de royaume, dans le sillage de la crise bosniaque de 1908, ses revers sont patents pendant les Guerres balkaniques et le premier conflit mondial. Pourtant, force est de constater que ses échecs ne sont pas imputables au seul Ferdinand dont l’examen des faits tend à atténuer les responsabilités dans les « Catastrophes nationales », les deux défaites vécues par les Bulgares en 1913 et 1918, conséquences d’un écheveau de causes d’une grande complexité. / The boundaries of an autonomous Bulgarian principality established by the provision of the San Stefano Treaty in 1878 were substantially reduced by the Great Powers at Berlin. Many unresolved problems between Sofia and Saint-Petersburg led to suspension of the bilateral relations and the abdication of Alexander of Battenberg. Ferdinand of Saxe-Cobourg and Gotha was elected Prince in 1887. After a “controversial” accession to the Bulgarian throne, the young knyaz was committed to impose himself and his country’s national interests to the international scene. After a long-term efforts aimed at recognition of his title of king amongst European chancelleries, he tried hard to realise Bulgarian national ideas. However, it undermined relationship between Sofia and Constantinople but also contributed to the rivalry between surrounding States and the Great Powers in the Balkans. Due to his diplomatic experience, Ferdinand opted for a new foreign policy strategy designed to benefit both from the Bulgaria’s strategic position and the rivalry between powers. Thus, the first two decades of the 20th century were marked by the tumult of Balkan politics. However, it allowed Bulgaria to gain independence, the status of the Kingdom in the wake of the Bosnian crisis in 1908, and the defeats during the Balkan Wars and the First World War. The defeats are not attributable entirely to Ferdinand who was the most responsible for the “National Catastrophes” in 1913 and 1918. This research has shown that fact-based analysis provides a more nuanced picture of Ferdinand’s reign which was effected by a complexity of contributing factors that inevitably plunged the country into international isolation and defeat in the Great War.
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大正期における日本の対華政策の展開(1912-1919) : 日中衝突事件を中心に / タイショウキ ニオケル ニホン ノ タイカ セイサク ノ テンカイ 1912 1919 : ニッチュウ ショウトツ ジケン オ チュウシン ニ / 大正期における日本の対華政策の展開19121919 : 日中衝突事件を中心に霍 耀林, Yaolin Huo 21 March 2019 (has links)
本稿は、中華民国初期、すなわち中華民国誕生から福州事件（1912年1月1日−1919年11月16日）の発生までの日中外交関係を検証する。とりわけ、この時期における日本の対華政策の立案とその後の遂行、換言すれば日本の対華政策の展開過程を日中衝突事件の発生から解決にいたるまでのプロセスから解明する。 / This article examines the diplomatic relations between Japan and China from the beginning of the Republic of China to the outbreak of the Fuzhou incident (January 1, 1912 - November 16, 1919). In particular, the plan and the subsequent implementation of Japan's policy against China in this period, and in other words, the process of development of Japan's policy toward the development of the Chinese policy toward the United States from the outbreak of the Japan China incident to the solution. / 博士(現代アジア研究) / Doctor of Philosophy in Contemporary Asian Studies / 同志社大学 / Doshisha University
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The Taiwanese Communist Party and the Comintern (1928-1931)白安娜, ANNA BELOGUROVA Unknown Date (has links)
as English abstract / Oppressed by the severe surveillance of the Japanese police in Taiwan, short-lived Taiwanese Communist Party (TCP) (1928-1931) marked a significant step in the Taiwan’s anti-Japanese movement and social thought. The TCP was the first political organization in Taiwan to put forward the slogan of Taiwan’s independence.
Following the Comintern’s activation in the East in 1920s, the first contacts between the Taiwan’s leftists and the Comintern representatives took place in early 1920s. Starting from 1927, the Comintern pursued the policy of activation of the communist movement in the colonies and establishment of communist parties in these countries.
Established on the Comintern directive in Shanghai with the help of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) and being subordinated to the Japanese Communist Party (JCP), the TCP was developing quite independently under the leadership of Xie Xuehong and in the close alliance with the Taiwan Cultural Association and the Taiwan Peasants Union, until the end of 1930 when the TCP established a contact with the Far Eastern Bureau (FEB) of the Comintern through the TCP Shanghai representative, Weng Zesheng, who served as liaison with the Comintern. As the result, the Comintern activated its work toward Taiwan, started dispatching emissaries to Taiwan who in the framework of the Comintern’s rhetoric of that time promoted the Party’s reform to eliminate the “opportunistic errors”. The activation of the Party’s work followed, the Union for Reorganization was established. The Comintern did not have chance to adjust the activity of the reformed TCP as within few months after the beginning of actual interaction between the Comintern and the TCP, the TCP was destroyed by arrests.
The thesis is devoted to the Comintern’s role in the TCP’s establishment, development, reform, establishment of the Union for Reorganization, the Party’s activation and destruction. The research is based on the TCP files deposited in the former archive of the Comintern. The documents include the correspondence of the representative of the TCP, Weng Zesheng, with the Comintern FEB. The correspondence between Weng Zesheng and the FEB sheds light on the inner-party processes in the TCP, clarifies the essence of the inner-party struggle and reform, and explores the role of personal relations in the inner-party struggle which resulted in the UFR establishment without direct involvement of the Comintern. The available now text of the consultations of Weng Zesheng with the CCP representative Qu Qiubai makes it possible to clarify the CCP’s involvement in the TCP’s development and reform and to conclude as to whose directive it was to commence the struggle against Xie Xuehong.
The TCP’s history was short but very intensive. Abandoned by its superior, the JCP, and not having relations with the international communist leadership, the TCP suffered lack of the financial and ideological support, and was left for the mercy of unpredictable fate of the exhausting inner factional struggle, still was able to survive under the “white terror” until the Party’s reorganization in 1931. According to the research results, the TCP inner-party struggles during 1928-1931 were in fact the result of resistance to emigrant party groupings who were attempting to take control over the TCP’s Taiwan based Party organization. Neither the JCP and the CCP, nor the Comintern had a real opportunity to influence the activities of the Taiwan-based communists. Taiwan’s communists overseas used the Comintern’s rhetoric and their contacts with the Comintern and the CCP to promote their agenda in the inner-party struggle. The implementation of the plans of Weng Zesheng and the opponents of Xie Xuehong in Taiwan on the Party’s reform and activation led to the Party’s destruction by the Japanese administration.
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Ukraїnas självständighet 1917 i svensk press 1917–1918 / Ukraine’s independence 1917 in swedish press 1917–1918Bergman, Leo January 2017 (has links)
This dissertation is a quantitative study with elements of qualitative analysis. The purpose of this quantitative study was to investigate WHAT was written about Ukraine's independence 1917 in Swedish press 1917–1918. The qualitative part of the survey was intended to answer the question if the newspaper's political attitude influenced the news reports during the chosen period. The exact periodization was determined to be between March 1, 1917 and June 30, 1918. This periodization was chosen because of the March Revolution in 1917, which triggered independence declarations in a number of countries oppressed by Moscow, who now saw their chance of freedom. June 1918 became the end of the investigation because it was just when the peace agreement between Ukraine and the Soviet Union was signed. The source material has been chosen to represent a multitude of ideological orientations. It was liberal, moderate, conservative, liberal and left-wing orientations. The source material consisted of newspaper articles from the following newspapers: Dagens Nyheter, Aftonbladet, Göteborgs Aftonblad, Svenska Dagbladet, Dalpilen, Kalmar Tidning and Norrskensflamman. Quantitative methodology was used on the source material. This method consisted of a reviewing of newspaper articles in searching of news reports from Ukraine or articles which had something to do with the events in Ukraine. Every newspaper was searched day after day. The crawled material was presented in two chapters representing different periods. The first chapter of the results presented the results from 1917, and more precisely from March to December 1917. The second chapter presented the results from 1918, but also from December 1917, that is, the result from December 1917 through June 1918. The whole result was then discussed in a separate chapter where the qualitative analysis was also discussed. The result of the quantitative analysis showed that it has been written relatively sparcely about Ukraine's independence although the volume of articles increased from December 1917 and even more in 1918. Sometimes there were articles on the first page. But for the most part, the articles with Ukraine issues were placed among other foreign articles. It was also found in the survey that it was the first World War that drew attention to the newspapers, even though the events in Petrograd and then in Ukraine took more space. This survey also showed that what was written about Ukraine's independence was also what appears in the reference literature. The news reports reported how Ukraine proclaimed independence in March 1917 and later on proclaimed an independent republic in November 1917 when the Bolsheviks conducted their coup d'état in Petrograd. The newspapers also wrote how the Russian Communists sent a declaration of war to Ukraine in December 1917 and about the war that followed. The articles also tell us how negotiations on Ukraine Peace went on in Brest-Litovsk, and how they ended up with alliance between Germany and Ukraine with the campaign against the communists. It was told how the German army marched into Ukraine to free it from the bolsheviks. Until May 1918 there were battles between the German-Ukrainian Army and the Communists. In June 1918 the peace agreement was signed and this survey’s investigation ended. The survey showed that it was written about Ukraine's independence in all newspapers. Dagens Nyheter had the most news articles linked to the survey. Although the number of articles was not subject for analysis in this survey. The qualitative analysis was based on using Höjelid's theoretical concepts "positive sound" and "negative sound" on the quantitative analysis material. The qualitative analysis’ result showed that it was almost impossible to see the differences between the newspapers because the articles were traded between the newspapers, i.e. the content was copied straight away. It should be noted that not all content was the subject of copying between the newspapers. Copying occurred to a greater extent, but there were still original articles derived from the respective newspaper. Most of the articles were also direct telegrams that were communicated abroad to the newspaper's editors. A lot of these telegrammic articles were sent with a purpose to mislead society. These angled articles were published without further examination in Swedish press. There were articles from, for example, Dagens Nyheter whose editors noted the "strange Petrograd reports" and informed about it for the purpose of enlightening the public. However, as most newspapers were occupied with World War I, as was shown in the source material, the newspaper editorial office was less interested in other foreign events. Therefore, such angled articles could be found in Swedish press on a larger scale. / Denna avhandling är en kvantitativ studie med inslag av kvalitativ analys. Syftet med denna kvantitativa studien var att undersöka VAD som skrevs om Ukrajinas självständighet 1917 i svensk press 1917–1918. Den kvalitativa delen av undersökningen ämnade att besvara frågan om tidningens politiska hållningen påverkade nyhetsrapporteringen under den valda perioden. Den exakta periodiseringen fastställdes att vara mellan den 1 mars 1917 och den 30 juni 1918. Denna periodisering valdes på grund av marsrevolutionen 1917 som utlöste självständighets-förklaringar i en rad länder som var förtryckta av Moskovitien och som nu såg sin chans till frihet. Juni 1918 blev slutpunkten i undersökningen därför att det var just då som fredsavtalet mellan Ukrajina och Sovjet undertecknades. Källmaterialet har valts att representera en mångfald ideologiska inriktningar. Det var liberal, moderat, konservativ, frisinnad samt vänstersocial inriktningar. Källmaterialet bestod av tidningsartiklar från följande tidningar: Dagens Nyheter, Aftonbladet, Göteborgs Aftonblad, Svenska Dagbladet, Dalpilen, Kalmar tidning och Norrskensflamman. Det användes kvantitativ metod på källmaterialet som bestod i en genomsökning av tidningsartiklarna efter nyhetsrapporter från Ukrajina eller som hade något med händelserna i Ukrajina att göra. Varje tidning genomsöktes dag för dag. Det genomsökta materialet presenterades i två kapitel som representerade olika perioder. Det första resultatkapitlet presenterade resultatet från år 1917, och mer exakt från mars till december 1917. Det andra kapitlet presenterade resultatet från år 1918, men även från december 1917, det vill säga resultatet från och med december 1917 till och med juni 1918. Det hela resultatet diskuterades sedan i ett eget kapitel där även den kvalitativa analysen diskuterades. Resultatet från den kvantitativa analysen visade att det har skrivits relativt sparsmakat om Ukrajinas självständighet även om artikelmängden ökade från december 1917 och ännu mer under 1918. Ibland förekom det artiklar på första sidan. Men för det mesta placerades artiklarna med Ukrajina-frågor bland andra utlandsartiklar. Det framgick också i undersökningen att det var mest första världskriget som upptog tidningarnas uppmärksamhet, även om händelserna i Petrograd och sedan i Ukrajina tog allt mer plats allt eftersom. Denna undersökning visade också att det som skrevs om Ukrajinas självständighet var också det som förekommer i referenslitteraturen. Nyhetsrapporterna berättade hur Ukrajina utropat sin självständighet i mars 1917 tills landet proklamerat en oberoende republik i november 1917 när bolsjevikerna genomförde sin statskupp i Petrograd. Tidningarna skrev också hur de ryska kommunisterna skickade krigsförklaring till Ukrajina i december 1917 och om det kriget som följde efter det. Artiklarna berättar även om hur förhandlingarna för Ukrajinafreden gick till i Brest-Litovsk samt hur dessa avslutades med att Tyskland allierade sig med Ukrajina i kampen mot kommunisterna. Det berättades hur den tyska armén marscherade in i Ukrajina för att befria det från bolsjevikerna. Fram till maj 1918 pågick det strider mellan tysk-ukrajinska armén och kommunisterna. I juni 1918 undertecknades fredsavtalet och där slutade undersökningen. Undersökningen visade att det skrevs om Ukrajinas självständighet i samtliga tidningar. Dagens Nyheter hade flest nyhetsartiklar kopplade till undersökningen. Även om antalet artiklar ej var i syfte att analysera i denna undersökning. Den kvalitativa analysen gick ut på att använda Höjelids teoretiska begrepp ”positiv klang” och ”negativ klang” på den kvantitativa analysens resultatmaterial. Det kvalitativa resultatet visade att det var nästintill omöjligt att se skillnad mellan de olika tidningarna eftersom artiklarna traderades mellan tidningarna, det vill säga innehållet kopierades rakt av. Det bör påpekas att inte allt innehåll var ämne för kopiering mellan tidningarna. Kopieringen förekom i större utsträckning men det fanns ändå originella artiklar som härstammade från respektive tidning. De flesta av artiklarna var dessutom direkta telegram som kommunicerades i utlandet till tidningens redaktioner. En hel del av dessa telegraferade artiklar skickades med ett givet syfte att vilseleda samhällsopinionen. Dessa vinklade artiklar publicerades utan vidare granskning i svensk press. Det förekom artiklar från exempelvis Dagens Nyheter vars redaktion uppmärksammat de ”märkliga Petrogradrapporter” och informerat om det i möjligt syfte att upplysa allmänheten. Men eftersom de flesta tidningarna var upptagna med första världskriget, som det visades i källmaterialet, var tidningsredaktionerna mindre intresserade av andra utländska händelser. Därför kunde sådana vinklade artiklar förekomma i svensk press i en större omfattning.
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