Syftet med denna uppsats är att se på och jämföra hur tre svenska tidningar behandlade Catalinaaffären under perioden den 13-20 juni 1952. För att kunna göra detta presenterars först en bakgrund och ett händelseförlopp till Catalinaaffären. Huvuddelen av uppsatsen beskriver sedan vad tidningarna Dagens Nyheter, Aftonbladet och Norrskensflamman skrev angående Catalinaaffären under den tidigare nämnda perioden. Efter detta jämförs och kontrasteras de olika tidningarna för att se hur de valde att behandla händelsen. Resultatet tyder bland annat på att Dagens Nyheter för det mesta framstod som mer saklig än de andra två, Aftonbladet använde sig i högre grad av sensationella rubriker och Norrskensflamman var den som till största delen skiljde sig i vad som rapporterades angående affären.

This qualitative study examines the usage of the term terrorism applied to the assault on the communistic daily paper, Norrskensflamman in the 40s. In short, the assault on Norrskensflamman, has been covered in various papers and stories. However amongst authors there seemingly has been a disagreement on whether the assault should be labeled a case of extremism or terrorism. Using a definition of terrorism, verbalized by expert in terrorism and counterterrorism, Bruce Hoffman and political scientist, Herfried Münkler, the study has been able to display that the assault in fact is not to be confused with nor labeled terrorism. Terrorism is however a widely debated therm. There is no unanimous definition, thus is the gray aria as apparent as ever. / <p>Validerat; 20160111 (global_studentproject_submitter)</p>

The Soviet Union was the great enemy of Western civlisationen during the cold war. Sweden was not part of the cold war. Despite that Sweden had more in common with the Western powers. The country had more cultural, economic and political similarities with them. The purpose of this study was to examine how Swedish newspapers wrote about the dissolution of the Soviet Union in 1991. I have also examined whether they expressed a fear of Russia. The newspapers that were included in the study were: Norrkensflamman (socialistic), Aftonbladet (social democratic), Arbetet (social democratic), Dagens Nyheter (independent), Expressen (liberal) and Svenska Dagbladet (conservative). The results showed that Expressen, Dagens Nyheter and Svenska Dagbladet had a western and eurocentric international outlook. Aftonbladet and Arbetet also had a western and eurocentric international outlook but were more critical of the western powers. Norrskensflamman was the only newspaper that supported the Soviet Union. They also saw the capitalist world as the great enemy. Russian fear was expressed in Arbetet, Svenska Dagbladet and Expressen. Arbetet thought the rest of the world should demand that Russia abolishing all their nuclear weapons. Svenska Dagbladet and Expressen saw Russia’s political system as threat to the west. Svenska Dagbladet also suspected that Russia should attack their neighbours in the future.

The following paper is a study about how three Swedish workingclass news papers, Arbetet, Norrskensflamman and Ny Dag, describe and stigmatized the common strike braker in may 1931. I chose in particulary this month because of the tradgic events in Ådalen 14th of may 1931, where five citizens got killed by the Swedish military during a friendly demonstration and the strike braker was a part the unrest that was embossed among the organized workers in Sweden.

The civil war in Finland became a great political battle between the Swedish Social Demo- cratic Party (SAP) and the Swedish Social Democratic Left-Wing Party (SSV) during spring 1918. Few studies about Swedish media report have been published that has a connection to the Finnish civil war. This composition has compared three socialist newspapers – Folkets Dagblad Politiken (FDP), Norrskensflamman and Social-Demokraten – formation of opinion. In the Swedish parliament’s lower chamber a significant interpellation debate took place, which this composition compares with the newspapers, in order to identify if the debate affected the newspapers reports.This composition administers a qualitative method by the use of text analytical elements. This allows findings of differences in the media reports during February 1918. The newspapers media opinion and the lower chamber members’ statements’ has been studied throughout three aspects: which causalities they gave to the civil war, how they related to the Swedish government commitment to Finland and how they related to the national political “Finnish debate”. In general, the Left-Wing Party supported the Finnish social democrats rising, whereas the Swedish Social Democrats couldn’t authorize the rising. Instead they emphasized that they acted on the will of the Swedish population, by keeping Sweden out of the war.The differences between the Left-Wing Party and the Social Democrats were vast during the debate. One could understand this polemic by applying Gunnar Sjöbloms theoretical concept of how parties construct their political ambitions in a multiparty system. The Left-Wing was more idealistic in the debate, compared to the Social Democrats who were more practical. The Social Democrats was for the first time in Swedish history in a ministry cabinet, together with the Liberal Party. Thus the ambition for the SAP was to show their voters that the party was “governmental capable”. SAP couldn’t legitimize nor admit the Finnish rising, thus they accentuated the democratic inviolableness. SSVs’ more idealistic standpoint became clear when they supported the Finnish Social Democratic rising. Therefore, SAPs’ focus was to maximize their parliamentary influence, while SSVs’ focus was to realize their political, ideological program. Thus the parties’ had different political ambition, which became clear during the “Finland debate”.Keywords: Finnish civil war, SAP, SSV, Folkets Dagblad Politiken, Norrskensflamman, Social-Demokraten, formation of opinion.

From the end of the Second World War until the fall of the Soviet Union in 1991 the world was divided. An iron curtain separated the world into two parts, east and west. These were dominated by the two great powers, the Soviet Union and the USA. The contradictions between the great powers should characterize the whole period that was named the Cold War. USA and the Soviet Union never met in open confrontation during this time, but it happened indirectly in the many conflicts that occurred during the Cold War. The Vietnam War (1964-1975) and the Afghanistan War (1979-1989) were two conflicts in which the great powers brought war against smaller states and the non-fighting part supported the resistance against the great power.   The purpose of this study is to examine the three Swedish newspapers, Svenska Dagbladet, Dagens nyheter och Norrskensflamman, and thereby discover how they reported during the Vietnam War and the Afghanistan War.  We seek the answer on following questions: What did the reporting looked like during the Vietnam War and the Afghanistan War and how did it change over time? How does the newspapers political point of view appear on the editorial pages? Which international outlook can be seen in the news report and which are the similarities and differences?   In order to do this we’ve used a qualitative method. The result shows that three different international outlooks are described in the newspapers. We can also confirm that the political point of view for each newspaper is confirmed by the standard reporting and primarily by the content of the editorial pages.

1911 the Swedish MP Carl Lindhagen, introduced a bill to the second chamber in which he demanded an investigation into the question about the Swedish coffee abuse (kaffemissbruk). The issue was up for debate on several occasions and in 1929 the parliament demanded, for the second time, an investigation into feasible measures against the misuse of coffee. This essay investigates the coffee abuse debate in the Swedish daily press between 1910 and 1940 with the purpose to, through the coffee abuse issue, highlight the times values about health- and societal issues. The theoretical starting point of the essay is the discourse theory as it is described in Ernesto Laclaus och Chantal Mouffes book Hegemony and Socialist Strategy. The main result of the investigation is that few voices questioned the existence of the Swedish coffee abuse, although the suggested solutions varied between the different positions. The debate was not absent in the sobriety movement and both proponents and sceptics concerning the involvement in the coffee abuse issue was represented. The sobriety movement also felt the need to defend itself from the accusation that it was them, that had spread the coffee abuse through their campaigns against the use of alcohol. Instead, they argued that it was the use of alcohol that also gave birth to an excessive coffee consumption. The injuries that the coffee abuse was described as causing were firstly stomach ailments and nerve damages. Secondly, coffee abuse was invoked as a fiscal problem where the import of coffee beans was viewed as damaging to the national economy, which I see as a mercantilistic viewpoint. Both the physical and fiscal worries were used in the advertisement for domestic produced coffee substitutes, especially in the defence issue 1914. I argue that the worries about coffee abuse can not only be seen as a critique of the evolving modern industrial society and the longing back to a premodern Gemeinschaft. The opposite standpoint was also present in the debate, that the resolution to the problem was to be find through the modern food industry and natural sciences. To conclude. The debate about the coffee abuse shows, in my opinion, how the health issue became all compassing where every passion that was deemed as unhealthy also was viewed as sinful. The Slovenian philosopher Slavoj Žižek has pointed out how this issue is prevalent in today’s western society where, for example, cigarette smokers are viewed with disdain.

Sommaren 1944 skedde tre stora sovjetiska offensiver på östfronten samtidigt som landstigningen i Normandie ägde rum. Den nutida västeuropeiska och nordamerikanska populärhistoriska bilden av sommaroffensiverna 1944 har dominerats av D-dagen. De senaste femton åren har dock historiker som Ian Kershaw och Norman Davies delvis nyanserat bilden genom att tydligt poängtera den större betydelsen av Sovjetunionens insatser på östfronten. Hur rapporterades skeendena i de tre svenska tidningarna Aftonbladet, Svenska Dagbladet och Norrskensflamman? Uppsatsen undersöker pressrapporteringen under juni-juli 1944 och tidningarnas inställning till aktörerna, med fokus på Sovjetunionen.

Gestaltningsteorin är en av de mest använda teorierna inom medieforskning. Dock saknas det kunskap om hur tidningar från förr gestaltade särskilda händelser. Jag har valt att genom en kvalitativ innehållsanalys undersöka hur arbetarrörelsens första majdemonstration gestaltas av Norrskensflamman, Arbetet, Dagens Nyheter och Svenska Dagbladet mellan åren 1917 och 1923. Dessa tidningar har olika ideologiska hemvister vilket resulterar i att de väljer att lägga tyngd på olika händelser och innehåll vid rapporteringen. Genom tre kategoriska teman: stämning och uppslutning, lag och ordning samt sakpolitik fångar jag in särskilda händelser för att sedan analysera hur dessa gestaltas av tidningarna. Resultatet visar att tidningarna i viss mån väljer att fokusera på olika delar av majdemonstrationen, i vissa fall utelämna väsentliga delar trots att de rapporterar om samma sak. / <p>Godkännande datum: 2022-01-14</p>

The purpose of this study is to find out how editorials in various Swedish newspapers interpreted the ghost flights. The study shows how the phenomenon was interpreted based on defense and security policy. Through text analysis 44 editorial articles from the period 1934-1938 were investigated which showed that the most editorials interpreted ghost flying as military flights. The agenda of swedish liberal and moderate newspapers was to interpret military aviation as a reason for establishing an independent air force and in giving the military greater authority to make security decisions for the country. The Social Democratic agenda in editorials was to downplay loud defense interests. And the communist editorial agenda was more ideologically expressed in countering imperialist and warlike interests. Local Norrland newspapers were more likely to express hopes for greater military efforts for Norrland's sake and the development over time shows that it was the newspaper Norrskensflamman and Aftonbladet, political and ideological antagonists, that were the ones who kept the debate about the ghost flights alive until the outbreak of the Second World War. / <p>Godkänt datum 2020-06-05</p>