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The civil war in Finland became a great political battle between the Swedish Social Demo- cratic Party (SAP) and the Swedish Social Democratic Left-Wing Party (SSV) during spring 1918. Few studies about Swedish media report have been published that has a connection to the Finnish civil war. This composition has compared three socialist newspapers – Folkets Dagblad Politiken (FDP), Norrskensflamman and Social-Demokraten – formation of opinion. In the Swedish parliament’s lower chamber a significant interpellation debate took place, which this composition compares with the newspapers, in order to identify if the debate affected the newspapers reports.This composition administers a qualitative method by the use of text analytical elements. This allows findings of differences in the media reports during February 1918. The newspapers media opinion and the lower chamber members’ statements’ has been studied throughout three aspects: which causalities they gave to the civil war, how they related to the Swedish government commitment to Finland and how they related to the national political “Finnish debate”. In general, the Left-Wing Party supported the Finnish social democrats rising, whereas the Swedish Social Democrats couldn’t authorize the rising. Instead they emphasized that they acted on the will of the Swedish population, by keeping Sweden out of the war.The differences between the Left-Wing Party and the Social Democrats were vast during the debate. One could understand this polemic by applying Gunnar Sjöbloms theoretical concept of how parties construct their political ambitions in a multiparty system. The Left-Wing was more idealistic in the debate, compared to the Social Democrats who were more practical. The Social Democrats was for the first time in Swedish history in a ministry cabinet, together with the Liberal Party. Thus the ambition for the SAP was to show their voters that the party was “governmental capable”. SAP couldn’t legitimize nor admit the Finnish rising, thus they accentuated the democratic inviolableness. SSVs’ more idealistic standpoint became clear when they supported the Finnish Social Democratic rising. Therefore, SAPs’ focus was to maximize their parliamentary influence, while SSVs’ focus was to realize their political, ideological program. Thus the parties’ had different political ambition, which became clear during the “Finland debate”.Keywords: Finnish civil war, SAP, SSV, Folkets Dagblad Politiken, Norrskensflamman, Social-Demokraten, formation of opinion.

Title: Jaunty Vaasa-lads and lazy boys – a study of masculinity and patriotism in the Civil Guard in Vaasa in relation to the Finnish Civil War of 1918. This paper deals with the subject of expressions of masculinity in relation to patriotism and nationalism as a part of the mobilisation of the so called white side in the Finnish Civil War of 1918. With regards to how this was expressed in the local Civil Guard in the town of Vaasa. The focus   lies on the construction of an ideal masculinity within this specific Civil Guard as expressed            in the Guards own documents of different varieties, during the events in the spring of 1918 and at the one year anniversary of its outbreak. The study is first and foremost based on Joan W. Scott's theory of gender and it's constitutive and interrelated elements, particularly that of culturally available symbols and subjective identities. It also takes into consideration views on masculinity, nationalism, and patriotism as described by George L. Mosse and others. This paper argues that the whites presented a desirable masculine ideal of the ultimate warrior that resonated in different ways in the examined material. This ideal may have been one way to keep mobilising the white forces against the real but also at times exaggerated threat posed by the red forces. There has also been a discussion in earlier research regarding this mobilisation and whether or not the whites mislead the Ostrobothnian volunteers and soldiers into believing that they were fighting russians instead of their own compatriots. This paper has found some evidence of the exaggerated demonization of the reds, and therefore also some tendensies of presenting them as Russians and Bolsheviks. This study has also shown that to be willing to sacrifice oneself for the nation and stand strong against its enemies, both internal and external, seems to have been what the ideal man was perceived to be by the whites in the examined Civil Guard. As well as it was also how he should act if he had the nations best interest in mind and fought for the continued Finnish independence. Keywords: Finnish Civil War, Civil Guard, Finland, masculinity, patriotism, 20th century, nationalism, gender

This essay examines how the local Civil Guard in the town of Vaasa, in the Finnish civil war of 1918, were presented based on the notion of masculinity in texts by Axel Iversén. In this study discourse analysis with a qualitative approach has been applied. The study shows that the role of the Civil Guard in the civil war mainly revolves around the discourse on safeguarding the nation's independence and protecting Finland as a nation. Based on Judith Butler's theory of performativity this study shows how masculinity is created from a repetitive practice based on concepts such as freedom, courage, offensive, equality, youth, organization and efficiency. The study confirms previous research which shows that according to the Civil Guards notion masculine ideals were related to nationalism, patriotism and sacrifice for the nation's independence. Furthermore, the study confirms the importance of the homosocial relations for the construction of masculinity within the Civil Guard. The discourse on offensive action regarding the Civil Guard is prominent, regardless if it is in battle or the organization of the Civil Guard.

This essay looks at memorials and monuments raised in Finland dedicated to the civil war 1918 from both the red and the white side. The earliest memorials are from 1918 and the newest one from 1964. The difference between the two sides and the change over time is looked at through a few chosen monuments and memorials analyzed using semiotics and reception aesthetics. The use of symbols is extensive throughout the period, but the form they take, as well as their connotation, change over time, depending on the political context they are created in. They are created with different aims.