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Den här uppsatsen ska undersöka och diskutera mediedebatten om Kirunasvenskarna och vänsterpartiets ansvarstagande för aktioner deras medlemmar tagit i det förflutna. Jag är intresserad av processen när en organisation större än en eller ett par personer tvingas göra upp med sin egen historia. Jag är nyfiken på tillvilken grad det till en början fanns en tendens hos de vänsterpartister som deltog i debatten att ”sopa historierna under mattan” och i de fall då det fanns olika rapporter av samma händelse tendera att automatiskt ta ställning för partikamraterna eller den sida som var mest skonsam för partiet, innan man slutligen började ta ansvar för sin del i det som skett. Utöver detta anser jag min utförliga och detaljerade genomgång av mediedebatten vara ett slags syfte i sig. En dokumentation av detta slag känns viktig och som den är en poäng i sig utöver att bara vara ett redskap för resten av uppsatsen. Alla delar av mediedebatten så som den gås igenom och återberättas kommer inte att analyseras i detalj men jag anser att genomgången i sig har ett tillräckligt värde för att legitimera dess existens och plats i denna uppsats. Dessutom blir jag intresserad av vilken form av reportage eller aktioner  som krävs för att en sådan här fråga ska landa i rampljuset. Varför togs detta upp just då, så långt efter själva händelserna? Jag kommer även i uppsatsen arbeta med en kartläggning av mediedebatten kring Kirunasvenskarna, hur den utvecklades och vad den fick för effekter för de inblandade parterna. Detta blir i mycket en utläggning och diskussion om ursäkter och skulder, en slags debatt med grund i materialet om moraliska och etiska frågor och hur vi förväntar oss såväl politiska partier som svenska medier och reportrar att förhålla sig till dylika. Hur ser utvecklingen av vänsterpartiets ståndpunkt kring frågan ut om man tittar på det valda materialet/den genomgång av mediedebatten som jag gör? Vilka individer i vilka roller uttalar sig i frågan och vilken position/vilka argument antar de inom mediedebatten? Vad är funktionen av en offentlig ursäkt och vilken effekt har denna aktion fått?

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<p>Abstrakt</p><p>The purpose of this study is to examine how Swedish politicians and textbooks in social science choose to describe communism, this in order to see if there is a main discourse that controls what communism is associated with. The study is structured by the following question: How does Swedish politicians and textbooks choose to describe communism, is there a main discourse that controls how language is used? The method chosen for the analysis is discourse analysis. Chain analogy is used to structure the studied texts discursive content. Four textbooks in social science are analyzed and a number of public government documents that contains discussions about communism and the agency Forum för levande historia.The analysis shows that there is a clear discourse among leading politicians that dictates that communism is to be associated with a spectrum of negative words and concepts, but when it comes to the textbooks there isn’t an equally clear discourse and the textbooks differ among themselves in general content. When both discourses are compared, the result is that the only thing the politicians and the textbooks have in common is their view that Soviet Union was a communist dictatorship.</p><p>Keywords: communism, textbooks, politicians, discourse</p>

Abstrakt The purpose of this study is to examine how Swedish politicians and textbooks in social science choose to describe communism, this in order to see if there is a main discourse that controls what communism is associated with. The study is structured by the following question: How does Swedish politicians and textbooks choose to describe communism, is there a main discourse that controls how language is used? The method chosen for the analysis is discourse analysis. Chain analogy is used to structure the studied texts discursive content. Four textbooks in social science are analyzed and a number of public government documents that contains discussions about communism and the agency Forum för levande historia.The analysis shows that there is a clear discourse among leading politicians that dictates that communism is to be associated with a spectrum of negative words and concepts, but when it comes to the textbooks there isn’t an equally clear discourse and the textbooks differ among themselves in general content. When both discourses are compared, the result is that the only thing the politicians and the textbooks have in common is their view that Soviet Union was a communist dictatorship. Keywords: communism, textbooks, politicians, discourse

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No description available.

The Swedish Social Democrats came in the 1910s to split into two branches, one of which accounted for more parliamentary politics and the other for the revolutionary road. The revolutionary wing of the Swedish Social Democrats adopted the name of the Swedish Social Democratic Party and was later to form the Communist Party of Sweden - sectional of the Communist International. In my essay I have examined what the international movement has meant and how it has affected the social democratic Left in its decision-making and action in the 1910s. The investigation was primarily focused on the Swedish social democracy's view of the international movement, not least on the revolutionary wave that exceeded by Europe's Socialist and Communist supporters following the Russian Revolution erupted in 1917. I also review the development of the Swedish propaganda, which came to change with the connection to the international movement. By assuming Werner Schmidt's theory of the historical room, I have strived to create an understanding of the contemporary and the decisions that were taken. The decision to join the international communist movement, which later come to be so reviled. The results of the study have shown that the international movement was of paramount importance for the Socialist Left's existence. And that the perception of the revolution and the change of propaganda was completely in agreement with the prevailing ideological ideas.

2017 marks the hundred year anniversary since the Social Democratic party was split in two in 1917, when the youth party, as well as several leftish socialistic members, formed the Communist party. In the aftermath of the first world war communism rose in Sweden, Spain and Germany. Eventually, fascism and nazism began to rise as a political power as well. These ideologies put the Swedish Social democratic party at stake. This essay has focused on how the local Social democrats acted at a local level, when it came to these political powers. Elements of conflict and consensus, as well as class formation are lifted to find out how Växjö’s Social democrats reacted to communism, nazism and fascism. The result showed that the reaction was almost completely non-violent, although still in opposition. Attempts were made to cooperate with the local communists, with varied success. They united against fascism and to aid them under fascist oppression. The class formation were partly unitary as of this, but mostly fragmented, when the communists were looked at as dividers and Moscow agents with revolutionary goals. This did not work out with the Social democratic reformist agenda, why the communist was widely condemned in 1939. The political right often criticised the Social democrats for their communist encounters. As to this the local Social democratic press did not trust the bourgeoisie to maintain the democracy if they were given the chance to overthrow the Social democratic government with help from the fascists.