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The Global ETD Search service is a free service for researchers
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Showing 31 to 40 of 45 (0.034 seconds)Spelling suggestions: "subject:"communism"" "subject:"kommunism""
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Läroböckerna och kommunistiska regimers brott mot mänsklighetenAndersson, Mikael, Ahrling, Carl January 2008 (has links)
Läroboken har en viktig roll i undervisningen, så pass att den på många sätt styr undervisningen. Historia formar på många sätt även vårat historiemedvetande. Med utgångspunkt från detta och diverse undersökningar som påvisar att ungdomen i Sverige har dålig kunskap om kommunistiska regimers brott mot mänskligheten så försöker detta arbete ge förklaringar till den dåliga kunskap genom kvalitativ text och bildanalys av läroböcker. En avgränsning har även använts där gymnasiet och grundskolan över en tidsperiod som sträcker sig från 1960-talet fram till nutid. En avgränsning har även gjorts där sovjetunionen tjänar som representant för kommunistiska regimers brott, då denna är den första regimen i och med revolutionen 1917 samt ligger i vårt närområde. Arbetet har inte enbart som syfte att undersöka förändring över tid gällande innehåll och urval, utan även föra fram rimliga förklaringar till den eventuella förändringen som observeras. Resultatet av arbetet är att läroböckerna har förändrat sig avsevärt gällande kommunistiska regimers brott, från att knappt ha nämnt något mer än att människor deporterades och gårdar slogs ihop till nutidens läroböcker där Gulag, svält och död får stort utrymme i läroböckerna. Förklaringen till denna förändring är svår att identifiera men indikationer pekar på att politiken inte spelat stor roll gällande detta, utan det är snarare ”tidsandan” och kunskapsunderlaget som spelat roll.
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Kontinental eller anglosaxisk polistradition efter självständighet? : En komparativ studie mellan Litauen och Ungern i ljuset av de europeiska polistraditionernaPettersson, Ove January 2024 (has links)
The European Union consists of 27 countries with different history and cultural context. As the police are a part of the public administration, it is natural that national differences affect the organizations and tasks of the European police forces. Meanwhile, the growing international criminality and the need for international peace-building operations calls for more cooperation. It is reasonable to believe that an enhanced understanding of the differences within the union is important to increase the ability to cooperate. The study aims to raise the knowledge about policing in post-communist countries in the European Union by studying the police in Lithuania and Hungary. The study is based on the conventional theory about the decentralized and service-oriented Anglo-Saxon and the centralized security-oriented Continental policing traditions and on the theory about the police being protective, repressive, or predatory. The study explains differences in policing considering fundamental contextual constructions within the countries. It is based on written sources, such as laws regarding police work, previous research, and statistics about the level of corruption. The main finding is that in both countries (slightly more in Lithuania) since independence there has been an ambition to become more decentralized and service-oriented (following the Anglo-Saxon tradition). Still, at the same time, there has been a tendency towards centralism (following the continental tradition). This is more visible in times of internal disturbances but also seems connected with a lack of resources.
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Diktatursmittan anfaller! : En språkteoretisk undersökning av kommunismdebatten 2004/2005Lekebjer, Camilla January 2007 (has links)
<p>Hösten 2004 sändes i SVTs Uppdrag granskning ett reportage med rubriken "Lars Ohlys syn på demokrati". Därefter blossade en massmedial debatt upp, den så kallade kommunismdebatten. Både från partikamrater och andra politiker framfördes krav på att Lars Ohly skulle sluta kalla sig kommunist och året därpå gav han med sig. Men vad avsåg man i debatten egentligen med ordet kommunism? Min hypotes är att det rådde en semantisk konflikt i debatten, det vill säga en kamp om betydelsen hos ordet kommunism/kommunist.</p><p>I den här uppsatsen visar jag, genom att undersöka nyhetsartiklar och ledare ur svensk dagspress, att min hypotes stämmer. Jag för också, med utgångpunkt i teorier om det språkliga tecknets godtycklighet, en diskussion utifrån undersökningens resultat. Där resonerar jag bland annat kring de politiska konsekvenserna av att kommunism, som det verkar med hänseende till debattens utgång, inte längre kan användas som beteckning för 'drömmen om ett klasslöst samhälle'.</p>
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En ny kvinna eller en dubbel slavinna : En studie om arbetarkvinnan under mellankrigstiden ur ett kommunistiskt perspektiv / A new woman or a double female slave : A studie of the working woman during the interwar years from a Communist perpectiveBerntsson, Susanne January 2010 (has links)
<p>This essay is about the Swedish working woman in the early 1930s. The empirical data consists mainly of Arbetarkvinnornas Tidning (AKT), a Swedish Communist magazine which was launched in December 1929. A qualitative discourse method has been used. Texts, articles, letters to the editor and reports about social conditions in Sweden and Soviet during the years 1929-1932 has been examined. Soviet women models and ideal types are compared with the image of the Swedish working woman. How was the Swedish working woman and her everyday life presented out of a Communist perspective? How was the Soviet woman ideal imaged? Was the Soviet ideal determinative for the Swedish communism?</p> / <p>Denna uppsats handlar om den svenska arbetarkvinnan under det tidiga 1930-talet. Empiriska materialet består huvudsakligen av Arbetarkvinnornas Tidning (AKT), en svensk kommunistisk tidskrift som startades i december 1929. En kvalitativ diskursiv metod har använts. Texter, artiklar, insändare och reportage som handlar om svenska och sovjetiska förhållanden under åren 1929-1932 har undersökts. Kvinnliga sovjetiska förebilder och idealtyper jämförs med bilden av den svenska arbetarkvinnan. Hur framställdes den svenska arbetarkvinnan och hur såg hennes vardagsliv ut ur ett kommunistiskt perspektiv? Hur såg den kvinnliga sovjetiska idealbilden ut? Var de sovjetiska idealen styrande för den svenska kommunismen?</p>
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En ny kvinna eller en dubbel slavinna : En studie om arbetarkvinnan under mellankrigstiden ur ett kommunistiskt perspektiv / A new woman or a double female slave : A studie of the working woman during the interwar years from a Communist perpectiveBerntsson, Susanne January 2010 (has links)
This essay is about the Swedish working woman in the early 1930s. The empirical data consists mainly of Arbetarkvinnornas Tidning (AKT), a Swedish Communist magazine which was launched in December 1929. A qualitative discourse method has been used. Texts, articles, letters to the editor and reports about social conditions in Sweden and Soviet during the years 1929-1932 has been examined. Soviet women models and ideal types are compared with the image of the Swedish working woman. How was the Swedish working woman and her everyday life presented out of a Communist perspective? How was the Soviet woman ideal imaged? Was the Soviet ideal determinative for the Swedish communism? / Denna uppsats handlar om den svenska arbetarkvinnan under det tidiga 1930-talet. Empiriska materialet består huvudsakligen av Arbetarkvinnornas Tidning (AKT), en svensk kommunistisk tidskrift som startades i december 1929. En kvalitativ diskursiv metod har använts. Texter, artiklar, insändare och reportage som handlar om svenska och sovjetiska förhållanden under åren 1929-1932 har undersökts. Kvinnliga sovjetiska förebilder och idealtyper jämförs med bilden av den svenska arbetarkvinnan. Hur framställdes den svenska arbetarkvinnan och hur såg hennes vardagsliv ut ur ett kommunistiskt perspektiv? Hur såg den kvinnliga sovjetiska idealbilden ut? Var de sovjetiska idealen styrande för den svenska kommunismen?
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Nationalismens roll i Jugoslaviens sönderfall / The Nationalism´s Part in Yugoslavias DestructionKhojasteh, Nima January 2007 (has links)
Den här uppsatsen är en fallstudie av nationalismen som spelande roll för att Kroatien och Bosnien bröt sig ur Jugoslavien samt dess betydelse för att krig bröt ut i dessa två regioner. När den jugoslaviske presidenten Tito dog 1980 och när kommunismen föll i Europa i slutet av 1980-talet började Jugoslavien gå mot sitt sönderfall. Därmed började nationalistiska stämningar och etnisk separatism ta fart. Kroatien och Bosnien var två länder som förklarade sig som självständiga i början av 1990-talet efter att nationalistiska krafter vunnit stark terräng där. I både Kroatien och Bosnien ledde självständighetssträvandena till konflikt med den serbiska minoriteten och det resulterade i blodiga krig. De serbiska nationalisterna valde som svar att förklara sig som autonom inom dessa länder, men det kom att leda till en eskalerande konflikt med Kroatien och Bosnien. Konflikterna i dessa länder ledde till etnisk rensning och mord på civila människor från alla folkgrupper. Den etniska nationalismen som tillämpades här ledde till att krig bröt ut och att gamla motsättningar blossade upp. Efter ett par år tog krigen i Kroatien och Bosnien slut.
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Arbetarpartiet Kommunisterna och deras politikTalman, Kim January 2007 (has links)
This essay is about the Workers Communist Party. My method for the analyzing part in this essay is qualitative methods such as text and idea analysis. I have chosen the words of Claudin to describe which ideological standpoints Workers Communist Party have. First I write about the background to why Workers Communist Party was formed in 1977. The background is the big split of extreme left wingers from the left party, which formed several organisations such as The Communist Marxist-Leninist Revolutionary Party and The Communist Organization for Marxist-Leninists. The first was neo-stalinistic, the second was maoistic. The ideology of Workers Communist Party is at most stalinistic. But the question of worldwide peace takes the party a bit off from the Stalinist ideology. Somehow, the politics of Workers Communist Party is at most similar to radical social-democratic or ordinary left-wing politics. The most important questions for the party are equality, democracy in state and economy and, at last, work and safety for all people. In Swedish elections, Workers Communist Party has failed. At 1979 they had 15 mandates in eleven counties in the northeast part of Sweden. At 2006, Workers Communist Party only has two mandates in the county of Gällivare in the northeast of Lapland.
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Frihetens rike : Wikipedianer om sin praktik, sitt produktionssätt och kapitalismenLund, Arwid January 2015 (has links)
This study is about voluntary productive activities in digital networks and on digital platforms that often are described as pleasurable. The aim of the study is to relate the peer producers’ perceptions of their activities on a micro level in terms of play, game, work and labour, to their views on Wikipedia’s relation to capitalism on a macro level, to compare the identified ideological formations on both levels and how they relate to each other, and finally compare the identified ideological formations with contemporary Marxist theory on cognitive capitalism. The intention is to perform a critical evaluation of the economic role of peer production in society.Qualitative and semi-structured interviews with eight Wikipedians active within the Swedish language version of Wikipedia constitute the empirical base of the study together with one public lecture by a Wikipedian on the encyclopaedia and a selection of pages in the encyclopaedia that are text analysed. The transcribed interviews have been analysed using a version of ideological analysis as it has been developed by the Gothenburg School. The views on the peer producing activities on the micro level has been analysed in a dialectical way but is also grounded in a specific field model.Six ideological formations are identified in the empirical material. On the micro level: the peripheral, bottom-up- and top-down-formation, on the macro level: the Californian alikeness ideology, communism of capital and capitalism of communism. Communism of capital has two sides to it: one stresses the synergies and the other the conflicts between the two phenomena. The formations on the macro level conform broadly to contemporary Marxist theory, but there are important differences as well. The study results in a hypothesis that the critical side of communism of capital and the peripheral and bottom-up-formation could help to further a more sustainable capitalism of communism, and counteract a deeper integration of the top-down-formation with Californian alikeness ideology. The latter is the main risk of capitalist co-optation of the peer production that is underway as the manifestly dominant formations on the macro level are Californian alikeness ideology and communism of capital. / <p>©<strong> </strong>2015 Arwid Lund, used under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 3.0 license: http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/3.0/</p><p></p>
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"Vad bör göras" : Hur partibunden vänsterpress verkar inom det samtida svenska mediesystemet / “What is to be done?” : Socialist party press in the contemporary Swedish mediasystemMatsson, Matthias January 2013 (has links)
This thesis explores how three socialist newspapers tie in to the Swedish media system and – presumably – is influenced by it. The newspapers have each strong connection to three political parties, so the precise aim of thesis is therefore to examine the independence between the party and its media; and how strongly it can bee defined as Swedish party press in a more traditional sense. The analysed material consists of six qualitative interviews with two co – workers from each paper: including the editors in chief.The basis is partly Kai Kronvalls et al theories surrounding Swedish party press; because the thesis explores how the papers supposedly has changed. And partly theories based on the assumption that media is always reflected by the social and political structure to which it operates. The latter theories have in turned outlined ’press theories’ (Four Theories of the Press) for which it is said that the media is a base of and, more recently, models of how the media works in western countries as a whole (Daniel C. Hallin and Paolo Mancini).The thesis showed some difference between how each newspaper can be defined as party press, but in general the independence was weak. This can be explained with how the Swedish media culture in particular has conserved press affiliated with separate (political) groups.
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Mellan kommunism och socialdemokrati : - en studie av vänstersocialismens ideologiska utveckling i Norge, Danmark, Sverige och Finland efter Berlinmurens fall.Lindblom, Martin January 2012 (has links)
The purpose of this essay is to analyze the ideological development of the former communist parties and the contemporary left-wing socialist parties of the Nordic countries. It is aimed at the two decades that have passed since the collaps of the Berlin wall and the parties at hand are; the Norwegian Sosialistisk Venstre, the Danish Socialistisk Folkeparti, the Swedish Vänsterpartiet and the Finnish Vasemmistoliitto. Since the 1960´s these parties have undergone major ideological changes with reference to a widening of their political agenda to an inclusion of democratic ideals as well as the new ideologies of feminism and ecologism. Thus reforming them into modern left-wing socialist parties at different times. The main hypothesis is formulated from the idea that there must be a connection between the startingpoint of reformation and the degree of modernism/traditionalism they show today. Furthermore, the study intends to determine how much they have changed and if there are any common features in the development. The method used consists of a quantitative approach with a minor qualitative streak and the material includes the four parties principalprograms from 1990 until today. In the quantative part I chose to count an amount of value-related words with connection to the four categories of socialism, feminism, ecologism and the democratic ideal. With the ideological refinement of Ball and Dagger as a frame of reference i chose a big amount of words, in which case the qualitative approach constituted as a failsafe in order to determine every words accuracy. The research shows that my original hypothesis is only partly correct. The degree of modernization seems to be depending on whereas the party was founded before or after the collapse of the Berlin wall. The fact that the three Scandinavian parties all show a positive modernization in comparison to their Finnish counterpart supports that. The study also reveals that the Finnish party, without consideration of modernism/traditionalism, changes the most during the period and the Danish party changes the least. The main feature of the Scandinavian parties is the decline of socialistic ideas in comparison to their Finnish equivalent.
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