No description available.

Diss. Umeå : University, 2003.

<p>This essay is about the Workers Communist Party. My method for the analyzing part in this essay is qualitative methods such as text and idea analysis. I have chosen the words of Claudin to describe which ideological standpoints Workers Communist Party have. First I write about the background to why Workers Communist Party was formed in 1977. The background is the big split of extreme left wingers from the left party, which formed several organisations such as The Communist Marxist-Leninist Revolutionary Party and The Communist Organization for Marxist-Leninists. The first was neo-stalinistic, the second was maoistic. The ideology of Workers Communist Party is at most stalinistic. But the question of worldwide peace takes the party a bit off from the Stalinist ideology. Somehow, the politics of Workers Communist Party is at most similar to radical social-democratic or ordinary left-wing politics. The most important questions for the party are equality, democracy in state and economy and, at last, work and safety for all people. In Swedish elections, Workers Communist Party has failed. At 1979 they had 15 mandates in eleven counties in the northeast part of Sweden. At 2006, Workers Communist Party only has two mandates in the county of Gällivare in the northeast of Lapland.</p>

Diss. Stockholm : Stockholms universitet, 2006.

Det gränslösa murbyggandet är en studie i politisk teori om den liberala paradoxen i murens politik, det vill säga; hur vi i denna globala värld å ena sidan har idealet om öppna gränser och hög rörelsefrihet, å andra sidan bygger vi fler murar och fortifierar gränser mer än någonsin. Med avstamp i sex olika studier av forskare inom området politisk teori diskuteras vilket arbete muren utför – politiskt, ekonomiskt och ideologiskt, hur dessa paradoxer uppstår, vad som föreslås vara vägen framåt och hur teorierna om muren skiljer sig åt. Analysen är indelad efter de tre paradoxerna som går att utläsa ur den så kallade ’överordnade’ liberala paradoxen. De tre paradoxerna berör ekonomi, suveränitet och säkerhet, och effektivitet. Avslutningsvis sammanfattas kärnan i de tre paradoxerna men det diskuteras även huruvida rädslan för ’den andre’ kan hjälpa till att lösa upp paradoxerna. Vid närmare anblick är de identifierbara paradoxerna i vår samtid inte så paradoxala trots allt

This thesis is focused on two phenomena: normative citizenship ideals and onto-logical notions of man. The study is an inductive search for different attributes to describe a variation of these phenomena. The search is conducted from several different perspectives: Current research within citizenship theory, history in a material sense, the history of political ideas, the philosophy of science and thematic analyses of important aspects of the two phenomena. Throughout the thesis attributes are collected and sorted in order to build typologies that can define the variation. In the end the attributes of normative citizenship ideals are sorted into three groups. The ideals are explained in three ways: why they came in to existence, how the transition from one ideal to another took place and how the idealistic content of the ideals were transformed. The attributes of ontological notions of man are sorted into sex types and four of them are defined to have relevance for an existing variation today. Finally the relations between the two typologies are analyzed and ten combinations are found to be possibly useful in studies of contemporary societal contexts. Together, the results are contributing to theories of citizenship. Apart from the results of the study it is argued for a broader definition of politics in political science, for more specific ways to handle egalitarian questions in the field rights of man / citizenship rights and finally against the possibility of a neutral order, for example a neutral state.

This study investigates the potential of a rhetorical theory of knowledge to expand beyond its own domain and into political theory, specifically theories of deliberative democracy. Despite the increasing interest in communication in democratic theory in the last decades, the majority of theorists have not turned their interest towards rhetorical science. On the contrary, theorists often regard rhetoric as dangerous and incompatible with the deliberative ideal of reason. The aim of this study is therefore to defend rhetorical science by investigating how the rhetorical theory of knowledge – as it is presented by Chaïm Perelman and Oldbrecht Tyteca, and further developed by Mats Rosengren and Maria Wolrath Söderberg – can contribute to the understanding of deliberative democracy. The study is in part a comparison between the rhetorical theory of knowledge and the academic debate about the epistemic dimension of deliberation.  The rhetorical view on knowledge provides an argument that supports the deliberative model without the need of a procedure-independent standard to measure the quality of outcomes. By using Maria Wolrath Söderberg’s understanding of topos as knowledge-producing the study shows that the rhetorical emphasis on language can contribute with a new understanding of why the deliberative ideal is preferable to other models of democracy.

Diss. Linköping : Univ., 2003. / År 2005 tilldelat nummer i serien Linköping studies in arts and science.

This paper aims to present an alternative understanding of the Civil Dialogue project run by Swedish Association of Local Authorities and Regions (SALAR) by translating the concepts of civil dialogue into concepts from Gilles Deleuzes theory of Body without Organs (BwO) and the terminology of machines. The translation makes it possible to think of civil dialogue as a virtual entity consisting of three main machines. The machine of questions, the machine of participation and the machine of subject. The concepts of machines and the BwO is then used in scrutinizing the local policies of civil dialogue in the municipality of Västervik. This paper finds that the use of an alternative terminology to understand civil dialogue makes it possible to identify errors and difficulties in the local policies of Västervik. The civil dialogue policy in Västervik seems to be constructed for the use of civil dialogue as an activity according to the dialog position of the participation machine but not for the other places in the same machine. Another challenge seems to be the aim for the civil dialogue which must be articulated inside the territory of the question machine and to draw the right lines for the participating subject of the subject machine.

Denna studie tar sin utgångspunkt i den socio-politiska teorin. Fokus ligger på att synliggöra samspelet mellan individer i olika beroendesituationer och maktförhållanden i de svenska (matematik) klassrummen utifrån ett elevperspektiv. Syftet för studien inriktades till en början på att undersöka eventuella kunskapsluckor som leder till ett glapp mellan grundskolan och gymnasiet. Vidare söktes svar på om det sker en skuldbeläggning på grund av dessa eventuella kunskapsluckor och vem som i så fall får bära skulden för dessa. Resultatet visar, bland annat utifrån klassrumsobservationer och fokusgruppsintervjuer med elever, att kunskapsluckor existerar och därmed synliggörs glappet. Dessutom visar resultatet att skuldbeläggning sker och att skuldbördan faller inom olika nivåer. Samhället, skolan och lärare får bära skulden. Det konstateras dock att det främst är elever som får bära skulden i slutändan eftersom den enskilde individens motivation och ansvar – oavsett dess uppfattning om sin bakgrund, nutid och framtidsutsikter – anses avgörande för dess lyckande eller misslyckande i ämnet matematik.