The Swedish Social Democrats came in the 1910s to split into two branches, one of which accounted for more parliamentary politics and the other for the revolutionary road. The revolutionary wing of the Swedish Social Democrats adopted the name of the Swedish Social Democratic Party and was later to form the Communist Party of Sweden - sectional of the Communist International. In my essay I have examined what the international movement has meant and how it has affected the social democratic Left in its decision-making and action in the 1910s. The investigation was primarily focused on the Swedish social democracy's view of the international movement, not least on the revolutionary wave that exceeded by Europe's Socialist and Communist supporters following the Russian Revolution erupted in 1917. I also review the development of the Swedish propaganda, which came to change with the connection to the international movement. By assuming Werner Schmidt's theory of the historical room, I have strived to create an understanding of the contemporary and the decisions that were taken. The decision to join the international communist movement, which later come to be so reviled. The results of the study have shown that the international movement was of paramount importance for the Socialist Left's existence. And that the perception of the revolution and the change of propaganda was completely in agreement with the prevailing ideological ideas.

Neural crest stem cells (NCSCs) are embryonic multipotent cells that give rise to a wide range of cell types that include those forming the peripheral neural cells and the mesodermal cells of the face including the facial bones. In neonatal and adult skin, skin-derived precursor cells (SKPs) are multipotent dermal precursors that share similarities with NCSCs and can differentiate into peripheral neural and mesodermal cells, such as adipocytes. Based on the similarities between SKPs and NCSCs, I asked, in this thesis, whether rodent or human SKPs can differentiate into skeletal mesodermal cell types by determining their ability to differentiate into osteoblasts and chondrocytes. In culture, rodent and human SKPs differentiated into alkaline phosphatase-, osteopontin- and type-I collagen-positive osteoblasts that produced mineral deposits and into type-II collagen expressing chondrocytes. Clonal analysis showed that SKPs are multipotent for the osteogenic and chondrogenic lineages. To ask whether SKPs can generate these cells in vivo, genetically-tagged naïve rat SKPs were transplanted into a tibia bone fracture model. Six weeks post-transplantation, SKP-derived osteoblasts and osteocytes were present in the newly formed bone, showing their osteogenic differentiation in vivo. At three weeks post-transplantation, some of the injected cells differentiated into hypertrophic chondrocytes in the callus and others into perivascular cells in areas just outside the callus. To test whether it is the local environment that dictates the phenotype of transplanted SKPs, GFP-tagged undifferentiated rat SKPs were injected into the hypodermis of the skin, an adipogenic environment. Four weeks post-transplantation, SKPs differentiated into adipocytes, but not in inappropriate cell types. These results further the known differentiation potential of SKPs, show that local environment of a bone fracture or the hypodermis of the skin is sufficient to induce the differentiation of undifferentiated SKPs into appropriate cell types and suggest the use of SKPs as source of mesodermal precursor cells for cell therapy.

Neural crest stem cells (NCSCs) are embryonic multipotent cells that give rise to a wide range of cell types that include those forming the peripheral neural cells and the mesodermal cells of the face including the facial bones. In neonatal and adult skin, skin-derived precursor cells (SKPs) are multipotent dermal precursors that share similarities with NCSCs and can differentiate into peripheral neural and mesodermal cells, such as adipocytes. Based on the similarities between SKPs and NCSCs, I asked, in this thesis, whether rodent or human SKPs can differentiate into skeletal mesodermal cell types by determining their ability to differentiate into osteoblasts and chondrocytes. In culture, rodent and human SKPs differentiated into alkaline phosphatase-, osteopontin- and type-I collagen-positive osteoblasts that produced mineral deposits and into type-II collagen expressing chondrocytes. Clonal analysis showed that SKPs are multipotent for the osteogenic and chondrogenic lineages. To ask whether SKPs can generate these cells in vivo, genetically-tagged naïve rat SKPs were transplanted into a tibia bone fracture model. Six weeks post-transplantation, SKP-derived osteoblasts and osteocytes were present in the newly formed bone, showing their osteogenic differentiation in vivo. At three weeks post-transplantation, some of the injected cells differentiated into hypertrophic chondrocytes in the callus and others into perivascular cells in areas just outside the callus. To test whether it is the local environment that dictates the phenotype of transplanted SKPs, GFP-tagged undifferentiated rat SKPs were injected into the hypodermis of the skin, an adipogenic environment. Four weeks post-transplantation, SKPs differentiated into adipocytes, but not in inappropriate cell types. These results further the known differentiation potential of SKPs, show that local environment of a bone fracture or the hypodermis of the skin is sufficient to induce the differentiation of undifferentiated SKPs into appropriate cell types and suggest the use of SKPs as source of mesodermal precursor cells for cell therapy.

This essay examines two communist parties in Sweden; The Communist Party (Kommunistiska partiet [KP]) and Sweden's Communist party (Sveriges kommunistiska parti [SKP]). Furthermore, this essay is a comparative study where the two parties' political agendas are compared. The method with which the study was conducted is a quantitative content analysis, where the frequencies of usage pertaining to certain words and expressions have been measured. The Communist Manifesto by Karl Marx has also been compared to these two parties' political agendas concerning words and expressions. This was done in order to determine which of the examined parties stands closer to the aforementioned original document from an ideological perspective. The result reveals which differences that were detected.

Outer membrane proteins (OMPs) maintain the viability of Gram-negative bacteria by functioning as receptors, transporters, ion channels, lipases, and porins. Folding and assembly of OMPs involves synchronized action of chaperones and multi-protein machineries which escort the highly hydrophobic polypeptides to their target outer membrane in a folding competent state. Previous studies have identified proteins and their involvement along the OMP biogenesis pathway. Yet, the mechanisms of action and the intriguing ability of all these molecular machines to work without the typical cellular energy source of ATP, but solely based on thermodynamic principles, are still not well understood. Here, we highlight how different single-molecule studies can shed additional light on the mechanisms and kinetics of OMP biogenesis.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Washington, 2006. / Vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 92-104).

Abstract I analysed Finnish parties’ policies for developing sources of livelihood in Northern and Eastern Finland in 1951–1970. I used the minutes of the main organs of four parties – the Agrarian League/Centre Party, the Coalition Party, SKDL and SDP – as source material. Parliamentary documents were another important source. After World War II, Finnish society had to adapt to peacetime demands. To quickly provide productive work for people and to achieve self-sufficiency in food production as soon as possible, industrial policy embraced expansion of agriculture. As the 1950s arrived it was noticed that the new small farms were unable to support the growing rural population. Thus, an attempt was made to diversify rural sources of livelihood. At the same time, the parties competed earnestly for rural votes, turning this into a very political question. With the exception of the Agrarian League, the parties put forth new programmes in preparing for the 1958 election, which formed a turning point. After the election, a coalition cabinet – Fagerholm’s Cabinet III – was formed; it then had to resign due to foreign political pressure. After the so-called yöpakkaset crisis, the most important criterion of cabinet eligibility in Finnish government politics was that the party had to have the approval of the Soviet Union. Thereafter the parties were no longer able to cooperate in developing rural areas. The parties were in agreement that rural sources of livelihood had to be developed in order to employ Finland’s growing population. They were unable to agree on how this should happen in practice. The Agrarian League sought to develop rural areas through agriculture, small industry and the wood processing industry. SDP raised industrialisation as the main employment alternative. Un-fortunately, because of questions concerning persons, the party split into two competing camps. SKDL supported increasing state-run industry and foreign trade with the Soviet Union. The Coalition Party was for entrepreneurship and trade connections with the West. Regional development policy measures started up in the 1960s were already long overdue. Despite various regional policy measures, Finland was not able to employ the rural population, and Finns moved to Sweden to find work. This can be considered an indication that the implemented policy was not successful. / Tiivistelmä Tässä tutkimuksessa käsittelen suomalaisten puolueiden Pohjois- ja Itä-Suomen elinkeinojen kehittämispolitiikkaa vuosina 1951–1970. Lähteinä ovat olleet neljän suurimman puolueen eli Maalaisliitto-Keskustapuolueen, Kansallisen Kokoomuksen, Suomen Kansan Demokraattisen Liiton (SKDL) ja Suomen Sosialidemokraattisen Puolueen (SDP) keskeisten toimielinten pöytäkirjat. Toisena keskeisenä lähdeaineistona ovat olleet valtiopäiväasiakirjat. Suomalainen yhteiskunta oli toisen maailmansodan jälkeen sopeutettava rauhanajan vaatimuksiin. Elinkeinopolitiikassa valittiin ratkaisuksi maatalouden laajentaminen, jotta kansa saataisiin nopeasti tuottavaan työhön ja saavutettaisiin elintarvikeomavaraisuus mahdollisimman nopeasti. 1950-luvulle tultaessa huomattiin, etteivät uudet pienviljelmät pystyneet elättämään maaseudun kasvavaa väestöä. Näin ollen maaseudun elinkeinojen kehittämistarve oli mitä ilmeisin Pohjois- ja Itä-Suomessa. Samalla puolueet kävivät kovaa kilpailua maaseudun äänestäjistä, joten kysymys politisoitui voimakkaasti. Käännekohdaksi muodostuivat vuoden 1958 vaalit, joihin puolueet valmistautuivat, maalaisliittoa lukuun ottamatta, uusilla ohjelmilla. Vaalien jälkeen muodostettiin laajapohjainen Fagerholmin III hallitus, joka joutui eroamaan ulko-poliittisen painostuksen jälkeen. Niin sanotun yöpakkaskriisin jälkeen suomalaisessa hallituspolitiikassa tärkeimmäksi hallituskelpoisuuden kriteeriksi muodostui se, että puolueella täytyi olla Neuvostoliiton hyväksyntä. Tämän jälkeen puolueet eivät enää pystyneet yhteistyöhön maaseudun kehittämistyössä. Puolueiden välillä vallitsi yksimielisyys siitä, että maaseudun elinkeinoja oli kehitettävä, jotta Suomen kasvava väestö saataisiin työllistettyä. Siitä ei päästy yksimielisyyteen, miten työllistäminen käytännössä tapahtuisi. Maalaisliitto pyrki maaseudun kehittämiseen maatalouden, pienteollisuuden ja puunjalostusteollisuuden avulla. SDP nosti teollistamispolitiikan keskeiseksi työllistämisvaihtoehdoksi. Valitettavasti puolue hajosi henkilökysymysten takia kahteen kilpailevaan leiriin. SKDL kannatti valtiojohtoisen teollisuuden lisäämistä ja ulkomaankauppaa Neuvostoliiton kanssa. Kokoomus oli yksityisyrittäjyyden ja läntisten kauppayhteyksien kannalla. 1960-luvulla aloitetut kehitysaluepoliittiset toimet olivat jo pahasti myöhässä. Erilaisista aluepoliittisista toimista huolimatta maaseudun väestöä ei pystytty työllistämään Suomessa, vaan suomalaiset muuttivat töiden perässä Ruotsiin. Tätä voidaan pitää osoituksena harjoitetun politiikan epäonnistumisesta.

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This dissertation concerns Sveriges Kommunistiska Parti (SKP) [the Swedish Communist Party] – in 1967 renamed Vänsterpartiet kommunisterna (VPK) [the Left Party – the Communists] and in 1990 renamed Vänsterpartiet (V) [the Left Party] – and the Party's process of coming to terms with history and its communist legacy. The aim of the study is to describe and analyse the SKP/VPK/V's process of coming to terms with history for the period 1956-2006, and to set out and problematise the driving forces and constraining mechanisms of this process. The theoretical framework of the study consists of Gunnar Sjöblom’s theory about party strategies of political parties in multi-party systems and Michael Freeden’s conceptual approach to ideology analysis.      During the period of study the SKP/VPK/V has, like no other political party in Sweden, been ascribed historical guilt regarding its own party history but also regarding the effects of world communism. The Party has thus found itself in a situation where it has had history as an adversary. The process of coming to terms with history has mainly revolved around three issues: independence (1956-1977), international ties (1977-1989) and a broadening beyond the communist tradition (1986-2006). The internal debate within the Party has linked these issues to calls for change aimed at ridding the party of what is considered undesirable elements of the Communist legacy. By analysing the arguments pursued in favour of these calls, it is possible to pick out a number of the driving forces behind the Party's process of coming to terms with history, namely an ambition to obtain vote maximisation, programme realisation and maximisation of parliamentary influence. The urge to distance the Party from certain aspects of its communist past has thus been related to fundamental goals that political parties in multi-party systems seek to obtain.      The results of the dissertation show that it is possible to pick out five main constraining mechanisms in the Party's process of coming to terms with history. 1) The safeguarding of Party cohesion. 2) The safeguarding of the distinctive character of the Party.  3) The need to resist external pressure. 4) The desire to avoid unfair apportioning of blame. 5) The safeguarding of the right to define the substance of one's own ideology. The existence of these constraining mechanisms help to explain why the process of coming to terms with history lingered on for several decades, and also why it seems to have been a process of such complexity for the Swedish Communist and Post-Communist Party.