Thesis (M.A.)--University of Wisconsin--Madison, 1965. / eContent provider-neutral record in process. Description based on print version record. Bibliography: l. [94]-98.

Thesis--Louisiana State University and Agricultural and Mechanical College. / Vita. Description based on print version record. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 262-282).

This dissertation provides a history of the white supremacist police-state in Nairobi beginning with the excursions of European-led caravans and ending with the institutionalizing of the municipal entity known as the township of Nairobi. It argues that the town was not an entity in which white supremacist and colonial violence occurred but that it was itself an effect white supremacy. It presents the invasion of whiteness into the Nairobi region as an invasion of a new type of power: white supremacist police power. Police power is reflected in the flogging of indigenous peoples by explorers, settlers and administrators and the emergence of new institutions including the constabulary, the caravan, the “native location” and the punitive expedition. It traces the transformation of the figure of the indigenous other as “hostile native,” “raw native,” “native,” “criminal-African” and finally “African.” The presence of whiteness, the things of whiteness, and bodies racialized as white in this settler-colonial society were corrosive and destructive elements to indigenous life and were foundational to the construction of the first open-air prison in the East African Hinterland.

This essay discusses how Mark Twain in the novel Adventures of Huckleberry Finn uses the description of the white American Christian civilization in order to overturn the colonial notion of white supremacy. This is done through juxtaposing the characterization of the people of the white American civilization and the people that are alienated or ‘other’. The Grangerford family, the Widow and Miss Watson, and Colonel Sherburn are brought up as examples of the white American civilization’s hypocrisy and double standard in the novel. The analysis focuses on how these supposedly Christian characters do not follow the Christian ethics and sermon teaching even though they claim to do so. The colonial notion of the white western civilization’s supremacy over other people’s societies is thus overturned by Twain’s description of the immorality of this white American society. As opposed to this, the people who are outside of this society and who do not label themselves as Christians, prove to be those who in reality follow the Christian notion of brotherly love towards everybody, no matter the social standing or skin color of the person in need. Furthermore, Huck’s moral fight whether or not he should continue to help the runaway slave Jim to freedom or turn him in to the slave owner Miss Watson, is crucial. Through the portrait of this inner struggle, Twain pinpoints the absurdity of the supremacy of such an immoral law. The law of society was upheld with an almost religious devotion, and the irony in this works to further overturn the notion of the white American civilization’s supremacy.

Thesis (M. Ed.)--University of Toronto, 2005.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--State University of New York at Buffalo, 1979. / Typescript. eContent provider-neutral record in process. Description based on print version record. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 305-321).

Theses (M.A.)--Marshall University, 2007. / Title from document title page. Includes abstract. Document formatted into pages: contains v, 116 pages including illustrations. Includes bibliographical references (p. 104-116).

The fundamental questions this project aims to answer are 1) how the alt-right engages in storying the sexual, specifically the “homosexual” character 2) the ways that broadly circulating ideas about masculinity shape movement boundary work processes, and 3) the work that this storying is doing for the alt-right in the context of American white patriarchy. Broadly, two characters were storied on r/altright: The Degenerate and the Substandard Ally. First, the Degenerate is a pedophile, a diseased sexual hedonist, and a Jewish-led weapon set on destroying the white race. The image of the Degenerate is produced through the mobilization of anti-Semitic tropes, conservative Christian doctrine, and (pseudo)scientific rhetoric. This narrative presents homosexuality as a contagious risk to all people. The second character, the Substandard Ally, is constructed as a foil to the Degenerate. The Substandard Ally can be a member of the movement because they have no control over their sexuality and are adequately masculine. The strategies used to justify the Substandard Ally’s inclusion in the alt-right are to deploy the (il)logic of the closet and redraw the line between good/bad sex. I argue that the sexual storying of the alt-right ultimately functions to maintain white patriarchy by reinforcing the sexual value system, obscuring the workings of patriarchy by presenting a hybrid hegemonic masculinity, reconceptualizing the “good” sexual citizen, and deploying homonationalist discourses.

This dissertation argues the South’s system of Jim Crow segregation, exploitation, disfranchisement, and violence was both embedded in and evolved through the successive reorganizations of the region’s forests. In turn, it tells a three-hundred-year history of black resistance and resilience in the forests of the Deep South. In the longleaf pine and bottomland hardwood forests along the Gulf of Mexico, water proved just as important as soil in determining the contours of the colonial and antebellum plantation regimes. This project follows the water to show how African Americans drew on deep environmental knowledge to form maroon communities in the colonial era, create a free, politically engaged Afro-Creole culture in the antebellum period, and build successful farming communities after Emancipation. From New Orleans to Mobile, African Americans deployed skills in shipbuilding, sailing, agriculture, and cattle herding to engage in trade that brought them to ports like Havana and Tampico. These economic relationships created enduring patterns of black land ownership on the coast. The deep history of African American autonomy along the forests of the Louisiana and Mississippi Gulf Coast – an area I define as the Piney Woods Littoral – makes the region an opportune space in which to analyze the ways in which environmental relationships inflected the economic, legal, and political history Jim Crow. While this study shows how white supremacy hastened the collapse of the Deep South’s forests just as reforestation perpetuated Jim Crow, it also broadens our understanding of the connections between human domination and environmental change. Some of the most important battles over race and the rights of citizenship in the South, from the 1875 and 1890 Mississippi Plans to Plessy v. Ferguson (1896), were part of broader contests over land and access to resources between white and black farmers, planters, and industrialists. Twentieth century efforts to transform Gulf Coast politics and modernize its economy helped break the environmental connections that had long supported African American self-determination. In turn, they inscribed patterns of inequality on the landscape that persisted well beyond the passage of the Civil Rights Act of 1964.

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