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As the contradictions of U.S. capitalist imperialism have intensified the hardships of working class and poor Americans, spontaneous mass mobilizations have arisen with more frequency than in decades past. However, these social movements have all fallen with the same speed as they arose, often leaving nothing but hashtags and slogans to account for their existence. In this thesis, I postulate that the futility of U.S. social movements stems from their lack of organization and theoretical guidance. I hold that the U.S. masses’ organization along the lines of a non-dogmatic and non-mechanistic dialectical materialist outlook stands as the precondition for a successful anti-capitalist movement. In light of this, this thesis explores questions and misunderstandings related to the dialectical materialist outlook and creates the conditions for its concise and systematized elaboration, a task which it fulfills in the process of demonstrating its indispensability for revolutionary socialist politics.

Esta tese tem por objeto o Partido Operário Comunista (POC). Trata-se de uma organização da esquerda radical brasileira, atuante durante os chamados anos de chumbo da ditadura civil-militar brasileira (1968-1971) sobre a qual não há nenhum estudo acadêmico mais pormenorizado. O POC foi oficialmente fundado em um Congresso realizado em abril de 1968, na cidade de São Paulo, com a fusão de duas organizações anteriormente existentes, a Organização Revolucionária Marxista-Política Operária (POLOP) e a Dissidência Leninista do Partido Comunista Brasileiro do Rio Grande do Sul (DI-RS). A linha política adotada pelo novo partido foi estabelecida pelo Programa Socialista para o Brasil, para o qual a revolução brasileira deveria ser socialista, e conduzida por um partido de vanguarda da classe operária, que estaria à frente de uma aliança operário-camponesa, engrossada por elementos revolucionários da pequena-burguesia. Inicialmente resistente ao engajamento nas ações de guerrilha urbana, o POC procurou canalizar seus esforços para os movimentos de massa que estavam ascensão quando da sua fundação. Neste sentido, dirigiu a militância para o movimento operário de Contagem (MG) e Osasco (SP), onde ocorreram importantes mobilizações nesse período. A organização também procurou influenciar o movimento estudantil e, para isso criou o Movimento Universidade Crítica, MUC, também em 1968. No início de 1969, com o descenso desses movimentos devido também ao AI-5, o POC reconheceu ter colhido poucos frutos desses esforços, sobretudo no movimento operário, onde sua presença continuou esparsa. Neste ínterim, várias organizações da esquerda já estavam francamente engajadas em ações armadas, o que motivava uma dupla crítica no interior do POC: ineficácia nas ações de massa, e inexistência de ações de guerrilha. Ácidos debates internos passaram a ocorrer no seu interior, corroendo sua coesão. Este processo de luta política interna se prolongou por todo o ano de 1969, polarizando os militaristas contra os massistas. Trocas mútuas de acusações levaram este grupo a romper com o POC em março de 1970 e a recriar a antiga POLOP. Dentre os militantes remanescentes do POC ainda se manteve um caloroso debate em torno das duas idéias-força: militarismo versus massismo. Há de se dizer que, de forma esparsa, e sempre em associação a outras organizações, o POC já havia praticado algumas ações armadas, dirigidas para a obtenção de recursos financeiros. a partir de meados de 1970, na sequência de prisões de militantes das organizações militaristas, a polícia política atingiria em cheio o POC, levando ao seu desmantelamento no Brasil em junho de 1971. Nesta tese procurei compreender os pormenores internos de uma organização leninista, bem como a rotina da militância em meio a um contexto repressivo, apoiando na noção de cultura política de Serge Bernstein. Por essa razão busquei os relatos de ex-membros do partido, através dos quais pude conhecer suas memórias sobre esse período. / This thesis is engaged in the Communist Workers Party (POC). It is an organization of the Brazilian radical left active during the so-called \"years of lead\" the Brazilian civil-military dictatorship (1968-1971) on which there is no more detailed academic study. The POC was officially founded at a congress held in April 1968 in São Paulo, with the merger of two previously existing organizations, the Organization Revolutionary Workers Marxist-Policy (POLOP) and the Brazilian Communist Party\'s Leninist Dissent Rio Grande South (DI-RS). The political line adopted by the new party was established by the \"Socialist Program for Brazil\", for which the Brazilian revolution should be socialist, and led by a vanguard party of the working class, who would be the head of a worker-peasant alliance, thickened by revolutionary elements of the petty bourgeoisie. Initially resistant engagement in urban guerrilla actions, the POC sought to channel their efforts to the mass movements that were rising at the time of its foundation. In this sense, he directed militancy to the labor movement of Contagem (MG) and Osasco (SP), where there were important mobilizations that period. The organization also sought to influence the student movement and to this end has created the \"Movement University Critical,\" MUC, also in 1968. In early 1969, with the decline of these movements also due to AI-5, POC acknowledged harvested little fruit of these efforts, especially in the labor movement, where his presence remained sparse. Meanwhile, several organizations of the left were already openly engaged in armed actions, which motivated a double criticism within the POC: ineffectiveness in mass actions, and lack of guerrilla actions. Acids internal discussions began to take place inside, eroding its cohesion. This political infighting process lasted throughout the year 1969, polarizing the \"militarists\" against \"massistas\". mutual exchange of accusations led this group to break with the POC in March 1970 and re-create the old POLOP. Among the remaining militants POC still remained a heated debate around the two key ideas: militarism \"versus\" massismo. One has to say that, sparsely, and always in association with other organizations, the POC had practiced some armed actions aimed at obtaining financial resources. from the mid-1970s, following arrests of militants from militarist organizations, the political police would reach full POC, leading to their being dismantled in Brazil in June 1971. This thesis tried to understand the internal details of a Leninist organization, as well as the routine of militancy amid a repressive environment, supporting the political culture\'s notion of Serge Bernstein. Therefore sought the reports of former party members, through which I got to know his memories of that period.

Esta tese tem por objeto o Partido Operário Comunista (POC). Trata-se de uma organização da esquerda radical brasileira, atuante durante os chamados anos de chumbo da ditadura civil-militar brasileira (1968-1971) sobre a qual não há nenhum estudo acadêmico mais pormenorizado. O POC foi oficialmente fundado em um Congresso realizado em abril de 1968, na cidade de São Paulo, com a fusão de duas organizações anteriormente existentes, a Organização Revolucionária Marxista-Política Operária (POLOP) e a Dissidência Leninista do Partido Comunista Brasileiro do Rio Grande do Sul (DI-RS). A linha política adotada pelo novo partido foi estabelecida pelo Programa Socialista para o Brasil, para o qual a revolução brasileira deveria ser socialista, e conduzida por um partido de vanguarda da classe operária, que estaria à frente de uma aliança operário-camponesa, engrossada por elementos revolucionários da pequena-burguesia. Inicialmente resistente ao engajamento nas ações de guerrilha urbana, o POC procurou canalizar seus esforços para os movimentos de massa que estavam ascensão quando da sua fundação. Neste sentido, dirigiu a militância para o movimento operário de Contagem (MG) e Osasco (SP), onde ocorreram importantes mobilizações nesse período. A organização também procurou influenciar o movimento estudantil e, para isso criou o Movimento Universidade Crítica, MUC, também em 1968. No início de 1969, com o descenso desses movimentos devido também ao AI-5, o POC reconheceu ter colhido poucos frutos desses esforços, sobretudo no movimento operário, onde sua presença continuou esparsa. Neste ínterim, várias organizações da esquerda já estavam francamente engajadas em ações armadas, o que motivava uma dupla crítica no interior do POC: ineficácia nas ações de massa, e inexistência de ações de guerrilha. Ácidos debates internos passaram a ocorrer no seu interior, corroendo sua coesão. Este processo de luta política interna se prolongou por todo o ano de 1969, polarizando os militaristas contra os massistas. Trocas mútuas de acusações levaram este grupo a romper com o POC em março de 1970 e a recriar a antiga POLOP. Dentre os militantes remanescentes do POC ainda se manteve um caloroso debate em torno das duas idéias-força: militarismo versus massismo. Há de se dizer que, de forma esparsa, e sempre em associação a outras organizações, o POC já havia praticado algumas ações armadas, dirigidas para a obtenção de recursos financeiros. a partir de meados de 1970, na sequência de prisões de militantes das organizações militaristas, a polícia política atingiria em cheio o POC, levando ao seu desmantelamento no Brasil em junho de 1971. Nesta tese procurei compreender os pormenores internos de uma organização leninista, bem como a rotina da militância em meio a um contexto repressivo, apoiando na noção de cultura política de Serge Bernstein. Por essa razão busquei os relatos de ex-membros do partido, através dos quais pude conhecer suas memórias sobre esse período. / This thesis is engaged in the Communist Workers Party (POC). It is an organization of the Brazilian radical left active during the so-called \"years of lead\" the Brazilian civil-military dictatorship (1968-1971) on which there is no more detailed academic study. The POC was officially founded at a congress held in April 1968 in São Paulo, with the merger of two previously existing organizations, the Organization Revolutionary Workers Marxist-Policy (POLOP) and the Brazilian Communist Party\'s Leninist Dissent Rio Grande South (DI-RS). The political line adopted by the new party was established by the \"Socialist Program for Brazil\", for which the Brazilian revolution should be socialist, and led by a vanguard party of the working class, who would be the head of a worker-peasant alliance, thickened by revolutionary elements of the petty bourgeoisie. Initially resistant engagement in urban guerrilla actions, the POC sought to channel their efforts to the mass movements that were rising at the time of its foundation. In this sense, he directed militancy to the labor movement of Contagem (MG) and Osasco (SP), where there were important mobilizations that period. The organization also sought to influence the student movement and to this end has created the \"Movement University Critical,\" MUC, also in 1968. In early 1969, with the decline of these movements also due to AI-5, POC acknowledged harvested little fruit of these efforts, especially in the labor movement, where his presence remained sparse. Meanwhile, several organizations of the left were already openly engaged in armed actions, which motivated a double criticism within the POC: ineffectiveness in mass actions, and lack of guerrilla actions. Acids internal discussions began to take place inside, eroding its cohesion. This political infighting process lasted throughout the year 1969, polarizing the \"militarists\" against \"massistas\". mutual exchange of accusations led this group to break with the POC in March 1970 and re-create the old POLOP. Among the remaining militants POC still remained a heated debate around the two key ideas: militarism \"versus\" massismo. One has to say that, sparsely, and always in association with other organizations, the POC had practiced some armed actions aimed at obtaining financial resources. from the mid-1970s, following arrests of militants from militarist organizations, the political police would reach full POC, leading to their being dismantled in Brazil in June 1971. This thesis tried to understand the internal details of a Leninist organization, as well as the routine of militancy amid a repressive environment, supporting the political culture\'s notion of Serge Bernstein. Therefore sought the reports of former party members, through which I got to know his memories of that period.

A presente Dissertação de Mestrado tem por objetivo resgatar através da História os aspectos que mais marcaram a organização econômica moçambicana, principalmente, entre os anos 1975 a 1986. Período este em que a FRELIMO (Frente de Libertação de Moçambique) adotou o Marxismo-Leninismo como o modelo de organização econômica, política e social. Porém, faz também um rescaldo dos aspetos relacionados com a organização econômica colonial portuguesa, depois herdada pelo primeiro governo independente do país. Especificamente, este estudo faz uma abordagem das opções estruturais do modelo de desenvolvimento socialista de Moçambique pós-colonial até os finais dos anos oitenta. Dentro deste processo, assinalo que o meu objetivo não consistia na apresentação de uma organização geral da História da economia socialista moçambicano, mas em inscrever o meu contributo na continuidade de uma reflexão multifacetada, iniciada há largos anos pelas gerações anteriores. / This Master Dissertation objective rescues the aspects that marked the Mozambican economic organization, especially between the years between 1975 and 1986, when FRELIMO (Mozambique Liberation Front) adopted Marxism-Leninism as the model of economic, political and social organization. However, it also makes an aftermath of the aspects related to the Portuguese colonial economic organization, which was later inherited by the first independent government in the country. Specifically, this study is an approach to structural options of the socialist model of development of post-colonial Mozambique until the end of the eighties. Within this process it has developed a centrally planned economy to overcome the inherited colonial capitalism in order to ensure compliance of the State leftist politics with the people\'s interests.

The foundation of the Chinese Communist Party was originated from the Bolshevik revolution in 1917 and the May Forth movement in 1919. Of the two events, the former inherited the ideological characteristics of ¡§globalization¡¨ on Marxism, while the latter embodied the ideological features of ¡§localization¡¨ on nationalism. Up to now, the ideology of the Chinese Communist Party has still been involving the dialectics of ¡§globalization¡¨ and ¡§localization¡¨. This doctoral dissertation first elaborates on the research motivation, purpose, method, documents, framework and so forth. It then continues to expound on the definitions of ideology, dialectics, globalization and localization. The third chapter discusses Marxism and Leninism which are the origins of the Chinese Communist Party¡¦s ideology. Chapter four analyzes how Mao Zedong conducted the dialectics of ideology and helped the Chinese Communist Party to seize power. Chapter five explores why Mao Zedong led the dialectics of the Chinese Communist Party¡¦s ideology to advance the Great Leap Forward and the Cultural Revolution. The sixth chapter studies how Deng Xiaoping guided the dialectics of ideology and promoted the Chinese Communist Party to transform a political movement into an economic reform. Chapter seven investigates why and how Jiang Zemin, and later, Hu Jintao carry on the dialectics of the Chinese Communist Party¡¦s ideology and construct the important thought of Three Represents, harmonious society of socialism, etc. Chapter eight concludes the achievements and discoveries of this research. Be it Mao Zedong, Deng Xiaoping, Jiang Zemin, Hu Jintao, or, as a matter of fact, regardless of whoever was or is in charge, the leader of the Chinese Communist Party invariably conducts the dialectics of ideology on the ¡§globalization¡¨ of Marxism-Leninism and the ¡§localization¡¨ of the Chinese Communist Party in power. Based on the successful experience of ¡§localization¡¨ of socialism with Chinese characteristics, the Chinese Communist Party expects to achieve the goal of ¡§globalization¡¨ of the Marxism-Leninism.

This thesis examines strategies and practices, in Soviet ethnographic research, concerning terminologies for and classifications of what in research texts are conventionally called “supernatural beings” in the world views of the Samoyedic peoples. The question is put whether there are any general rules for the terminology used by scholars for these kinds of beings. The thesis also explores claims that a conventional ethnographic terminology, consisting of technical terms such as gods, goddesses, spirits, owners etc., leads to misinterpretations of the indigenous conceptions under study. By presenting, analysing and discussing Soviet scholars’ strategies and practices in this regard, the thesis is a contribution to the ongoing debate among historians of religions on the use of scientific terminology for beings in different world views. It is also, to a limited extent, a source critical investigation of Soviet research on the religions of the Samoyedic peoples. In chapter 2 the international scholarly debate on terminology for so called supernatural beings is summarized and discussed. The principles for constructing concepts in general are also delineated, using prototype theory and a model for polythetic definition. In chapter 3 a survey over the purposes, main fields of interest, and theoretical and methodological development of Soviet ethnography is presented as an essential background to the investigation of individual ethnographic texts. Chapter 4 and 5 constitute the empirical part of the thesis, with a presentation and analysis of Soviet ethnographic descriptions of beings in the world views of the Samoyedic speaking Nenets, Enets, Sel’kup and Nganasan. Since findings on Nganasan world view in Soviet ethnography was seen as particularly viable for reconstructions of proposed primitive communist thought, matriarchal society, the origin of religion, and mankind’s development of beliefs in “spirits” and “gods”, chapter 5 is solely dedicated to the research on the Nganasan. In chapter 6 the result of the empirical part of the study is confronted with the questions put in chapter 1, as well as the theoretical and methodological conclusions of chapter 2. It is concluded that there is no typical Marxist-Leninist terminology for “supernatural beings”, but that certain developments regarding terminology and classifications in Soviet ethnography on the Samoyeds can be detected. These developments consists of (1) a growing awareness among ethnographers of the distinction between indigenous, emic and etic terminology – an awareness which makes their descriptions become more detailed and closer to the Samoyedic sources. (2) From the 1960s one can trace an ever deepening reliance on Marxist-Leninist theory in Soviet Samoyedology. In accordance with Marxist ideas about primeval society as matriarchal and non-religious, ethnographers focused more and more on (and discovered more) female beings in Samoyedic world views. They also interpreted the “beings” under study as remnants of a primeval materialistic world view and proposed explanations of their development from “natural” to “supernatural beings”. It is also concluded that there are no general rules for scientific terminology. Technical terms are chosen in accordance with the varying aims and theoretical standpoints of different scholars. Whether the terms are appropriate or not, depends on their transparency.

A presente Dissertação de Mestrado tem por objetivo resgatar através da História os aspectos que mais marcaram a organização econômica moçambicana, principalmente, entre os anos 1975 a 1986. Período este em que a FRELIMO (Frente de Libertação de Moçambique) adotou o Marxismo-Leninismo como o modelo de organização econômica, política e social. Porém, faz também um rescaldo dos aspetos relacionados com a organização econômica colonial portuguesa, depois herdada pelo primeiro governo independente do país. Especificamente, este estudo faz uma abordagem das opções estruturais do modelo de desenvolvimento socialista de Moçambique pós-colonial até os finais dos anos oitenta. Dentro deste processo, assinalo que o meu objetivo não consistia na apresentação de uma organização geral da História da economia socialista moçambicano, mas em inscrever o meu contributo na continuidade de uma reflexão multifacetada, iniciada há largos anos pelas gerações anteriores. / This Master Dissertation objective rescues the aspects that marked the Mozambican economic organization, especially between the years between 1975 and 1986, when FRELIMO (Mozambique Liberation Front) adopted Marxism-Leninism as the model of economic, political and social organization. However, it also makes an aftermath of the aspects related to the Portuguese colonial economic organization, which was later inherited by the first independent government in the country. Specifically, this study is an approach to structural options of the socialist model of development of post-colonial Mozambique until the end of the eighties. Within this process it has developed a centrally planned economy to overcome the inherited colonial capitalism in order to ensure compliance of the State leftist politics with the people\'s interests.

L’objectif de ce mémoire consiste à proposer un nouveau cadre de référence conceptuel pour aborder le marxisme et, a fortiori, son interprétation léniniste. Nous retraçons dans l’œuvre de Karl Marx (1818-1883) deux paradigmes élaborés successivement : le paradigme anthropo-métaphysique, compris à la fois en tant que continuité et rupture avec la philosophie classique allemande, et le paradigme économico-historique, qui supporte la théorie du matérialisme historique. Nous démontrons que le paradigme économico-historique s’est consolidé sur la base du paradigme anthropo-métaphysique de manière à lui conférer une systématicité scientifique. Pour saisir les fondements du léninisme, nous décidons de circonscrire notre investigation à trois notions clefs à partir desquelles il sera possible d’évaluer l’apport original de Lénine comparativement aux écrits de Marx: (1) l’alliance du prolétariat et de la paysannerie, (2) le rôle d’avant-garde du parti et (3) la dictature du prolétariat et la violence politique. Nous constatons que l’interprétation léniniste de chacune de ces trois notions s’appuie sur un certain nombre de concepts ou de textes présents dans le corpus marxiste. De ce constat, notre tâche consiste à déterminer à partir de quelle grille de lecture paradigmatique du marxisme le léninisme a pu s’édifier en tant que doctrine. / The aim of this paper is to offer a new conceptual framework within which to study Marxism and, a fortiori, its Leninist interpretation. We retrace in the works of Karl Marx (1818-1883) two paradigms elaborated consecutively: anthropo-metaphysical paradigm, understood as both in continuity and in rupture with German classical philosophy, and economico-historical paradigm, which conveys the theory of historical materialism. We demonstrate how economico-historical paradigm consolidates itself on the basis of anthropo-metaphysical paradigm in order that the latter yield scientific systematicity. To grasp the foundations of Leninism, we restrain our investigation to three key notions from which to evaluate Lenin’s original contribution to the writings of Marx: (1) the alliance of the proletariat and the peasantry, (2) the vanguard role of the party, and (3) the dictatorship of the proletariat and political violence. We note that the Leninist interpretation of each of these notions rests on a certain amount of concepts or positions present in the Marxist corpus. From this ascertainment, our task is to establish from which paradigmatic framework Leninism has established itself as a doctrine.

Esta pesquisa vai às obras filosóficas de Michael Hardt e Antonio Negri a fim de investigar possibilidades de organização de lutas contra o presente estado de coisas, ou seja, de lutas revolucionárias. Hardt e Negri desenvolvem o tema a partir de uma apreensão do leninismo, entendido não como fórmula de organização de um partido de vanguarda, mas como adequa-ção da composição política dos trabalhadores (forma da organização) à sua composição técni-ca (forma hegemônica da produção). Nesta chave, acompanhamos a investigação que fazem das novas formas de produção, chamadas por alguns de pós-fordistas e, por eles, recorrendo à terminologia foucaultiana, de produção biopolítica, que consiste num trabalho socializado que produz o que chamam de comum. Esse novo paradigma da produção tem por sujeito e objeto a vida, cuja principal força é o desejo. Posto isso, a questão que eles nos oferecem e que tomamos como central para nossa pesquisa é: como organizar o desejo? Seguimos sua trilha em busca dessa renovação do leninismo, a fim de compreender o que entendem por de-sejo tal que possa ser organizado, e o resultado disso, que vem a ser o conceito de multidão. A multidão, como desejo organizado, luta contra o presente estado de coisas, isto é, dentro de e contra um mercado mundial totalizante que Hardt e Negri chamam de império. / This dissertation goes to Michael Hardts and Antonio Negris philosophical works in search of possibilities for the organization of struggles against the present state of things, or for the organization of revolutionary struggles. Hardt and Negri develop this subject from a unique approach of Leninism, understood not as some party of vanguard formula but as an adequacy between workers technical and political compositions (or between the way people work and the way they struggle). In this sense, we follow the inquiry Hardt and Negri make on the new forms of production, post-fordist produc-tion to some and biopolitical production to them, resorting to Foucaults terminology. Such production consists on a socialized work that produces that which they call the common. This new paradigm of production takes life itself both as its subject and ob-ject, and its main strength is desire. From this point, the questioning they offer us and that we take as central in this research is: how to organize desire? We follow their tracks on this renewal of Leninism, trying to understand what desire is in order to be organized, and its outcome, i.e., the concept of multitude. Multitude, as organized de-sire, struggles against the present state of things, inside and against a totalizing world market that Hardt and Negri call empire.