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A normative approach to state secession : in search of a legitimate right to secedeLenong, Jentley 12 1900 (has links)
Thesis (LLM)-- Stellenbosch University, 2013. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Secession is one of the oldest and probably more controversial themes of public
international law. The potential of a right to secede draws even more controversy
amongst international law scholars and lawyers alike. This research merges classical
international law perspectives on secession and the right to secede in particular,
within a contemporary setting. Two research questions are answered: (i) Does a
legitimate right to state secession exist under contemporary international law; if so,
what are its normative characteristics? (ii) What is the position of the International
Court of Justice (ICJ) in the realisation of a legitimate right to secede, considering its
opinion in the Kosovo-case?
The work follows a normative methodological approach in tackling and presenting
the arguments towards and against the legitimacy of the right to secede. This allows
for a clear interrogation of the norms constituting classic international law against the
realities of an evolving pedagogy. Classical international law is traditionally statecentred,
primarily due to the 1648 legacy of the Treaty (Peace) of Westphalia.
However, contemporary international law has come to incorporate the roles of nonstate
actors and even individuals. Consequently, the impact of secession extends
beyond traditional international law norms like; territorial integrity and sovereignty,
nationalism and uti possidetis. Moving forward, a critical inclusion within modern
conceptualisation of secession needs to be considerations like, the right to selfdetermination
and the promotion of human rights.
The research departs with a clear comprehension of the status quo of a general
theory of secession. The identification of a prescriptive general theory of secession
remains rather elusive. However, cogent arguments are presented for the
establishment of a right to secede with a sufficient legal foundation to support a
general theory and find effective enforcement for the right.
The arguments for the right to secede are rooted within a sound conceptual
framework and historical context. In dealing with the normative characteristics of the
right to secede, the historic reasoning of Shaw is utilised in order to establish a legal
process for secession. This reasoning is applied in the presentation of the municipal
manifestation of the right to secede, which traditionally is found in the constitutional
entrenchments of the right. The relationship between the right to secede and selfdetermination
is presented through a balancing of the components that constitute the
right to self-determination. Following the Canadian Supreme Court’s contribution on
the right to self-determination in the Quebec-case, the aspirations of peoples for selfdetermination
needs to follow this dual view of self-determination as consisting of the
right to internal and external self-determination.
The contemporary position of the right to secede under international law is best
illustrated in the ICJ treatment of secession in its Kosovo Opinion. The focus here is to present new insights into the impact of unilateralism and multilateralism in the
interaction with secession. Ultimately, this research in its normative methodological
approach presents the arguments both ancient and contemporary for the legitimate
potential of a right to secede. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: In die internationale reg, is sessessie (afskeiding) sekerlik een van die meer
kontroversiële temas. Binne die geledere van akademici en praktisyns veroorsaak
die moontlikheid van ‘n reg tot afskeiding selfs meer onenigheid. Met hierdie
navorsing word die klassieke sienings hieroor in die internationale reg saamgesnoer
binne ‘n meer hedendaagse uitleg. Twee navorsingsvrae word beantwoord: (i)
Bestaan daar ‘n legitieme reg vir staatsafskeiding binne die hendendaagse
internationale reg en indien wel wat is die normatiewe karaktereienskappe van so ‘n
reg? (ii) Wat is die stand van die Internationale hof vir Geregtigheid (ICJ) aangaande
die verwesinliking van ‘n legitieme reg op afskeiding in die lig van die hof se
uitspraak in die Kosovo-Opinie.
Die navorsing volg ‘n normatiewe metodologiese benadering om die argumente teen
asook vir die legitieme reg op afskeiding te voer. Dit skep ruimte vir ‘n duidelike
bevraagtekening van die klassieke internationale regsnorme teen die agtergrond van
‘n transformerende pedagogie. Die klassieke internationale reg is kenmerkend
staatsgeorienteerd, grootendeels as gevolg van die nalatingskap van die 1648
Verdrag (Vrede) van Westphalia. Tog gee hedendaagse internasionale reg erkening
aan die handelinge van nie-regeringsentiteite en selfs individue. Gevolglik, strek die
impak van sessessie heel verder as tradisionele internasionale regsnorme soos;
territoriale integriteit en soewereiniteit, nasionalisme en uti possidetis. 'n Kritiese blik
op die moderne begrip van sessessie moet oorwegings soos die reg op
selfbeskikking en die bevordering van menseregte in ag neem om vooriutgang te
bewerkstellig.
Die navorsing begin met 'n duidelike begrip van die status quo insake 'n algemene
teorie van sessessie. Die identifisering van 'n voorskriftelike algemene teorie van
afskeiding bly ongelukkig ontwykend. Tog word oortuigende argumente vir die
vestiging van 'n reg om af te skei gevoer. Dit gaan gepaard met 'n voldoende
regsgrondslag wat 'n algemene teorie ondersteun, asook die moontlikheid vir die
doeltreffende uitvoering van die reg.
Die argumente ter ondersteuning van die reg tot afskeiding word geïllustreer binne 'n
verantwoordbare konseptuele raamwerk en historiese konteks. In die hantering van
die normatiewe kenmerke van die reg word die klassieke redenasie van Shaw benut
ten einde 'n regsproses vir afskeiding te vestig. Hierdie redenasie word toegepas by
die handtering van voorbeelde oor plaaslike manifestasies van die reg to afskeiding.
Hierdie plaaslike manifestasies word tradisioneel gevind binne state se grondwetlike
erkennings van die reg. Die verhouding tussen die reg om af te skei en
selfbeskikking word aangebied deur 'n balansering van die komponente waaruit die
reg op selfbeskikking bestaan. Na aanleiding van die Kanadese Hooggeregshof se bydrae tot die reg om selfbeskikking in die Quebec-saak, is die aspirasies van
volkere vir selfbeskikking gevestig in die reg om interne en eksterne selfbeskikking.
Die kontemporêre posisie van die reg om af te skei ingevolge die internasionale reg
word goed geïllustreer in die Wêreldhof se behandeling van afskeiding in die
Kosovo-Opinie. Die fokus hier is die uitleg van nuwe insig oor die mag van
unilateralisme en multilateralisme in die interaksies oor sessessie. Ten slotte bied
hierdie navorsing in sy normatiewe metodologiese benadering die argumente, beide
antiek en kontemporêre, vir die legitieme potensiaal van 'n reg om af te skei.
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Merdeka Papua : integration, independence, or something else?Stiefvater, James January 2008 (has links)
Thesis (M.A.)--University of Hawaii at Manoa, 2008. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 151-167). / viii, 167 leaves, bound 29 cm
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Ferdinand Ier de Bulgarie : politique étrangère et diplomatie (1887-1918) / Ferdinand I of Bulgaria : Foreign Policy and Diplomacy (1887-1918)Nicollet, Charlotte 13 October 2016 (has links)
Fondée en 1878 par le traité de San Stefano, mutilée par celui de Berlin, la principauté autonome de Bulgarie voit ses destinées confiées en 1887 à Ferdinand de Saxe-Cobourg et Gotha. Le nouveau knyaz est contraint dès son avènement à imposer sa personne et les ambitions de son pays dans l’arène internationale. Après une lutte de longue haleine pour obtenir la reconnaissance de son titre par le concert européen, il s’évertue à mener les Bulgares vers la réalisation de leurs idéaux nationaux. Il se heurte aux blocages dus aux liens unissant Sofia à Constantinople, à la rivalité des États environnants et aux politiques balkaniques contradictoires des puissances. Le prince aiguise au fil des ans son sens de la diplomatie et déploie une politique extérieure visant à tirer profit à la fois de la position stratégique de son pays et des rivalités des forces en présence, tout en exploitant à bon escient les circonstances successives. Sa politique de bascule aux ressorts progressivement définis est mise en œuvre, et à l’épreuve, au cours des secousses qui rythment les deux premières décennies du XXe siècle. Si elle permet à la Bulgarie d’accéder à l’indépendance, et au statut de royaume, dans le sillage de la crise bosniaque de 1908, ses revers sont patents pendant les Guerres balkaniques et le premier conflit mondial. Pourtant, force est de constater que ses échecs ne sont pas imputables au seul Ferdinand dont l’examen des faits tend à atténuer les responsabilités dans les « Catastrophes nationales », les deux défaites vécues par les Bulgares en 1913 et 1918, conséquences d’un écheveau de causes d’une grande complexité. / The boundaries of an autonomous Bulgarian principality established by the provision of the San Stefano Treaty in 1878 were substantially reduced by the Great Powers at Berlin. Many unresolved problems between Sofia and Saint-Petersburg led to suspension of the bilateral relations and the abdication of Alexander of Battenberg. Ferdinand of Saxe-Cobourg and Gotha was elected Prince in 1887. After a “controversial” accession to the Bulgarian throne, the young knyaz was committed to impose himself and his country’s national interests to the international scene. After a long-term efforts aimed at recognition of his title of king amongst European chancelleries, he tried hard to realise Bulgarian national ideas. However, it undermined relationship between Sofia and Constantinople but also contributed to the rivalry between surrounding States and the Great Powers in the Balkans. Due to his diplomatic experience, Ferdinand opted for a new foreign policy strategy designed to benefit both from the Bulgaria’s strategic position and the rivalry between powers. Thus, the first two decades of the 20th century were marked by the tumult of Balkan politics. However, it allowed Bulgaria to gain independence, the status of the Kingdom in the wake of the Bosnian crisis in 1908, and the defeats during the Balkan Wars and the First World War. The defeats are not attributable entirely to Ferdinand who was the most responsible for the “National Catastrophes” in 1913 and 1918. This research has shown that fact-based analysis provides a more nuanced picture of Ferdinand’s reign which was effected by a complexity of contributing factors that inevitably plunged the country into international isolation and defeat in the Great War.
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