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This paper examines how ex-combatants of El Salvador’s 1980-1992 civil war view post-war processes of reconciliation. I demonstrate that contrary to dominant understandings of ongoing political polarization in El Salvador, perpetuated by Salvadoran political parties, many former army and guerrilla combatants are coexisting in the same communities and working together in various ways. I show how the Salvadoran Peace Accords and the apparent political polarization has opened a space for the recreation of social networks and the creation of communities in post-war societies. I call this process “grassroots peacemaking,”emphasizing the everyday negotiations of remembering and creating new social relations in a nation torn apart by war and violence. / text

Lasting peace in Sudan would reverberate throughout Africa, the Arab world, and globally. But signing a historic peace agreement will not guarantee successful post-conflict reconstruction in Sudan. Several critical openings must follow-with expanded roles for the Sudanese people and their international partners. Sudanese fighters from both sides will need to integrate into joint military units that defend Sudan's borders and gain capacity to deal with rogue elements. Sudanese politicians must expand the opportunities for fresh and excluded voices to participate in Sudan's governing structures (north and south, national, regional, and local) and its political processes. Benchmarks against which international assistance is measured could help guarantee this need, as would an inclusive constitutional drafting process. Sustained economic assistance and forward-learning decisions on reducing Sudan's debt burden will help move Sudan on the path to economic growth. At the same time, international pressure must be brought to bear on the Sudanese to ensure that revenue streams, particularly oil and are handled transparently and for the benefit of Sudan's people, not its leaders. Uncertainty, hatred and mistrust run deep within Sudan. Donors must focus on building connections among the Sudanese and bringing communities together around common goals. The past focus on north-south issues should give way to more inclusive programs that begin to address the political and economical marginalization that is fuelling discontent and conflict in Sudan's peripheral regions. Lasting peace will require not just changing attitudes within Sudan, but shifting outside practices to better confront the enormous challenges that will complicate reconstruction efforts. Sudan's coming peace presents an opportunity to move beyond almost forty years of intrastate war. The United State, the United Nations, African Union, and other friends of Sudan should now consolidate and capitalize on this opportunity. / Thesis (M.A. (Peace Studies and International Relations) North-West University, Mafikeng Campus, 2005

Thesis (MA.(International relations))-University of Pretoria, 2007. / Includes bibliographical references. Mode of access: World Wide Web.

This thesis proposes to link certain consistent themes in the historiography of interwar and wartime Hungary. Hungary's inability to successfully resolve its minority problems led to the nation's dismemberment at Trianon in 1920 after World War I. This fostered a national Hungarian reaction against the Trianon settlement called the revisionist movement. This revisionist "Trianon syndrome" totally dominated Hungarian politics in the interwar period. As Hungary sought allies against the hated peace settlements of the Great War, Hungarian politics irrevocably tied the nation to the policies of Nazi Germany, and Hungary became nefariously assessed as "Hitler's last ally," which initially stained the nation's reputation after World War II. Although some historians have blamed the interwar Hungarian government for the calamity that followed Hungary's associations with Nazi Germany, this thesis proposes that there was little variation between what could have happened and what actually became the nation's fate in World War II. A new interpretation therefore becomes evident: the injustices of Trianon, Hungary's geopolitical position in the heart of Europe, and the nation's unfortunate orientation between the policies of Nazi Germany and Bolshevik Russia predestined the nation to its fate in World War II. There was no other choice for Hungarian policy in World War II but the Axis alliance. The historian of East Central Europe faces a formidable challenge in that the national histories of this region are often contradictory. Hungarian historiography is directly countered by the historical theories and propositions of its Czech, Serb, and Rumanian enemies. By historiographical analysis of the histories of Hungary, its enemies among the Successor States, and neutral sources, this thesis will demonstrate that many contemporary historians tend to support the primary theses of Hungarian historiography. Many of the arguments of the Hungarian interwar government are now generally supported by objective historians, while the historiographical suppositions of the Successor States at the Paris Peace Conference have become increasingly reduced to misinformation, falsification, exaggeration, and propaganda. The ignorance of the minority problems and ethnic history of East Central Europe led to an unjust settlement in 1919 and 1920, and by grossly favoring the victors over the vanquished, the Paris Peace Treaties greatly increased the probability of a second and even more terrible World War.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T20:22:39Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Adriana Francisca Souza Pena.pdf: 915057 bytes, checksum: 307687ff81bf78819a09c40ee9083859 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-04-01 / The present work has the aims to bring to light evidences that the relationship between the dominant nation-states, dominated nation-states and human rights is today presented in a distorted way: the sovereign entity that was created to protect the interests of nations, in practice, when acts, does so as an agent of coercion. The situation is that we live in a state of emergency, a state of war in which the military and economic power dominates the world of fear. Using the writings of Walter Benjamin and his notion of Erfahrung (crossing) as well as the critique of mythologem of sovereignty and social contract theory we intend to show the need for behavioral change through education for peace with the aim of forming a culture of peace and not an institutional program that will regulate the war, as occurred with the production of peace treaties and institutions created from them, especially in the period of World War II / O presente trabalho tem como objetivo trazer à luz a evidência de que a relação entre estados-nações dominantes, estados-nações dominados e os direitos humanos está, hoje, apresentada de forma distorcida: o ente soberano que surgiu para tutelar os interesses das nações, na prática, quando atua, o faz como agente de coação. A constatação é a de que vivemos num estado de exceção, num estado de guerra, no qual o poder bélico e econômico domina o mundo do medo. Utilizando o pensamento de Walter Benjamin e a sua noção de Erfahrung (travessia), bem como a crítica ao mitologema da soberania e à teoria do contrato social pretendemos mostrar a necessidade de uma mudança comportamental por meio da educação para a paz, com o objetivo de formar uma cultura para paz e não um programa institucional que normatize a guerra, como ocorreu com a produção dos tratados de paz e as instituições a partir deles criadas, em especial, no período da segunda guerra mundial

Mémoire numérisé par la Division de la gestion de documents et des archives de l'Université de Montréal.

Mémoire numérisé par la Division de la gestion de documents et des archives de l'Université de Montréal