Thesis ( M.A. ( African Languages)) -- University of Limpopo, 2012 / The study handled a variety of taboos applicable in Tshivenda, that is, taboos that pertain to food, plants, initiation schools and ceremonies and animals. The study has highlighted whether taboos still have any role to play in present-day life as far as Tshivenda is concerned. Again, the study has examined whether the beliefs that some Tshivenda speaking people still have taboos which are based on facts or myths. Lastly, the study has investigated the impact of taboos regarding the preservation of Tshiven􀦒a identity and culture. Thodisiso iyi yo bvisela khagala zwiila zwine zwa vha hone kha lushaka lwa Vhavenda. Zwiila izwi ndi zwi kwamaho zwidiwa, zwimela, mula na zwifuwo. Ngudo iyi yo sumbedza uri zwiila zwi vhonala zwi tshe na ndeme na kha lushaka lwa Vhavenda namusi. Yo dovha ya sengulusa uri fulufhelo line Vhavenda vha vha nalo kha zwiila lo disendeka na nga mazwifhi kana ndi ngoho na. Tshinwe tshe tsenguluso iyi ya bvisela khagala ndi masiandaitwa a u tevhedza kana u sa tevhedza zwiila kha mvelele ya Vhavenda.

In Western culture menstruation is considered to be a curse, an illness, or at least an aspect of feminine “nature” best suppressed. In this thesis I argue that the menstrual taboo has been oppressive to women. Through a closely reading of Sigmund Freud’s writing on femininity, I argue that Freud depicts a monstrous aspect of femininity, connected with the mother and female castration, which he believes must remain repressed. I propose that he is unable to detect a direct connection between female castration and menstruation, because he is himself unconscious of the operations of the menstrual taboo. / I draw on Freudian theorist Claude Dagmar Daly who critiques Freud’s negligence regarding the menstrual taboo, and pinpoints a “menstrual complex” at the heart of Freud’s Oedipus complex. In fleshing out the monstrous menstruating mother at the heart of the Oedipus complex I work with French feminist theorists Julia Kristeva, LuceIrigaray, and Hélène Cixous and trace this figure to the hysteric. Drawing on French feminist Catherine Clément’s writing on the hysteric, I reveal a marginalised space of feminine Nature that opens up in the splitting of the hysteric from the sorceress. I argue that the figure of the sorceress presides over an extremely important aspect of feminine Nature associated with women’s “blood magic.” / I use the term “blood magic” to describe a periodic magical power that is an aspect of feminine Nature, which has been repressed in Western culture. The roots of the term “blood magic” are in anthropological accounts of menstrual rituals. My use of the term Nature denotes the possibility of the expression of a femininity by women, where as “nature” is evidence of the colonisation of femininity by the dominant phallocentric culture in the West. A sacred space of feminine Nature that resides on the borders of culture cannot be accessed and returned to culture until it has been dislodged from the patriarchal depiction of menstruation as a monstrous threat to civilization. / I find that the hysteric provides an historical instance of feminine disorder linked to the sorceress that allows me to explore the domain of the sorceress and what I have referred to as “blood magic.” In order to develop this positive reconstruction of the menstrual taboo I draw on several case studies in which women’s menstrual cycles are ritualised for women’s empowerment. It is in relation to this sacred ritual space of femininity that I call for women to write their own feminine imaginaries, in connection with their menstrual cycles. Moreover, I argue that this constitutes the expression of an authentic account of female sexuality by women, which is dually the writing of a menstrual dialectic. Authenticity in these terms refers to the expression of the menstrual aspect of female sexuality by women. It therefore requires that women recognise the value of articulating the menstrual aspect of female sexuality.

Thesis (M.A. (Linguistics))--Mahidol University, 1978.

Proefschrift--Amsterdam. / "Stellingen": 2 leaves laid in. Includes bibliographical references.

Thesis (M. A.)--University of Hong Kong, 2005. / Title proper from title frame. Also available in printed format.

Thesis--Lund. / Extra title page tipped in. Includes bibliographical references (p. 442-493).

Thesis (M.A.)--The University of North Carolina at Greensboro, 2008. / Directed by Steven Cureton; submitted to the Dept. of Sociology. Title from PDF t.p. (viewed Apr. 13, 2010). Includes bibliographical references (p. 86-90).

Magister Artium - MA / This study investigates Kinyarwaanda sexuality taboo words and their meaning in Rwandan culture to enable the youth to improve their communication and the values of Rwandan culture. It explores whether the use of Kinyarwaanda sexuality taboo words is a good way to communicate with one another or is a transgression of Rwandan culture. Its intent is to see the value that Rwandans assign to verbal taboos, particularly sexuality taboo words, to see how these taboos regulate Rwandans lives, to see the attitudes Rwandans hold towards them, and to find out the link there might be between sexuality taboo words, the information dissemination on HIV/AIDS and the spread of AIDS. / South Africa

Thesis (M. A. (African Languages)) -- University of Limpopo, 2014

Thesis (Ph. D. (Tshivenda)) --University of Limpopo, 2016 / This study examined Tshivenḓa euphemisms from a socio-pragmatic perspective within a framework of Politeness and Indirectness Communicative theories. According to Brown and Levinson (1987), Politeness Theory describes politeness as showing concern for people’s ‘face’ needs where ‘face’ means one’s public self-image. In terms of the Indirectness Communicative Theory, euphemism is a face saving mechanism which emphasizes mutual cooperation in a conversation. Euphemisms are described as substitutions of agreeable or inoffensive expressions for ones that may offend or suggest something unpleasant. They are words with meanings or sounds that are thought, somehow, to be nicer, cleaner or more elevated and they are used as substitutes for words deemed unpleasant, crude or ugly in sound or sense. The study adopted a descriptive and exploratory design within a qualitative research approach, based on the view that qualitative research aims at explaining complex phenomena by means of verbal description rather than testing hypotheses with numerical values. Furthermore, primary data were elicited from 25 participants of different ages, genders, educational levels, social status and occupations who are native speakers of the Tshivenḓa language by means of semi-structured interviews. Since this study involved working with humans, all ethical aspects were ensured. The study, which investigated the use of Tshivenḓa euphemisms, was conducted in seven social domains in Venḓa in the Vhembe District: local courts, churches, homes, hospitals, girls in seclusion, schools and electronic media. The study’s findings show evidence of the use of Tshivenḓa euphemisms in these various domains. However, the court domain seems not to use many euphemisms due to the fact that clear communication is required there; for two parties in a case to understand what is being said during the proceedings the use of roundabout indirect language is avoided – the courts believe in calling ‘a spade, a spade.’ Through the careful analysis of euphemisms, the study’s findings revealed that euphemisms have both positive and negative effects on language, including Tshivenḓa. Some of the positive effects of euphemisms revealed by this study include the ability to avoid directly naming what is deemed unpleasant; they make the language sound more v literary; and they allow people to discuss touchy or taboo subjects with ease. However, the findings also suggested that euphemisms may be disrespectful; they could hinder clear communication; they are deceptive; and they may lead to miscommunication and general confusion. Based on the findings of the study, it is recommended that the use of euphemisms in Tshivenḓa language should be reinforced in all social domains in order to enhance politeness; preserve the public self-image of the participants in communicative exchanges; and facilitate harmonious interpersonal relationships. It is also recommended that further study be undertaken to identify other factors that may affect the use of euphemisms in Tshivenḓa from other perspectives. Key concepts: Politeness; Euphemisms; Treadmill; Taboo; Face work