While Jane Jacobs' frontal assault on "modern planning" is now over forty years old, communities around the United States are still struggling to deal with the legacy of modernist interventions that dramatically altered the historic urban form and culture of their downtowns. In the worst cases, whole zones were transformed into nearly unusable space. Reintegrating these lost spaces into the urban fabric is one of the most significant challenges of urban planners and designers today. Despite the ubiquity of lost spaces in American cities, comparatively little research has been done on the specific historic urban forms that were altered. This dissertation seeks to explore the processes of landscape change through a case study of Louis Armstrong's downtown neighborhood in New Orleans. It employs an urban morphological framework to uncover the specific landscape changes that occurred in the neighborhood over time. This micro-level view is broadened through an examination of the political economic forces that helped to transform the once vibrant neighborhood into the lost space of today. This study concludes that while it is tempting to identify the twentieth century modern interventions as the cause of lost space in New Orleans, such a reading unnecessarily isolates the modern development era from the historical continuum of land use that helped define the city. When the scope of inquiry into the causes of lost space is widened to include the historic formation of landscape remnants, long-standing patterns of lost space development begin to appear that stretch back to the founding of the city. Modern development, seen in this light, exacerbated existing negative landscape features more than created them.

Thesis advisor: Marilynn S. Johnson / Thesis advisor: Davarian L. Baldwin / Drawing on urban history methodologies that re-frame "white flight" as a racialized struggle over metropolitan space and resources, this dissertation examines the transition of Lawrence, Massachusetts to New England's first Latino-majority city between 1945 and 2000. Although the population of this small, struggling mill city has never exceeded 100,000, it is not unique in its changing demographics; low-tier cities have become important nodal points in transnational networks in recent decades, as racialized patterns of urban disinvestment and gentrification encouraged a growing dispersal of Latinos from large cities like New York. While Puerto Ricans, Dominicans, and Cubans gradually began to arrive in Lawrence in the 1960s, tens of thousands of white residents were already leaving the city, moving (along with Lawrence's industrial and retail establishments) out to the suburbs. As a result of this flight, the city was suffering from substantial economic decline by the time Latino settlement accelerated in the 1980s. Not all of Lawrence's white population fled, however. Instead, many white Lawrencians fought to maintain control in the city and to discourage Latino settlement. I focus on two nights of rioting between white and Latino residents in 1984, as a spectacular example of the racialized contestations that accompanied the city's social and economic transformations. Although the political power and public presence of Latinos dramatically increased in the years after the riots, half a century of uneven metropolitan development had left Lawrence without the resources or political clout to successfully confront the city's pervasive poverty. Lawrence's history demonstrates the expansion of urban crisis during the 1980s, and its impact on Latino communities in the Northeast. The building of a Latino majority in Lawrence was not simply a demographic shift; rather it was an uphill struggle against a devastated economy and a resistant white population. The transformation of Lawrence in spite of these obstacles highlights the energy and commitment that Latinos have brought to U.S. cities in crisis during the second half of the twentieth century. / Thesis (PhD) — Boston College, 2010. / Submitted to: Boston College. Graduate School of Arts and Sciences. / Discipline: History.

Essa dissertação tem como objeto de estudo as relações entre o desenho urbano concebido por Francisco Rodrigues Saturnino de Brito para a expansão da cidade de Vitória o Novo Arrabalde e o meio natural onde se desenvolve este projeto. Especificamente, o estudo busca identificar os componentes que de alguma forma fundamentam a inovação da proposta em relação ao padrão de ocupação característico da cidade de Vitória até fins do século XIX, especialmente a opção de se manter os morros preservados da ocupação. No contexto dessas possibilidades, duas questões são mais relevantes: a ideia de que os morros, da mesma forma que as planícies, façam parte da espacialidade almejada; e a hipótese de que um viés conservacionista possa ter também orientado a concepção do projeto. / This thesis object of study is the relationship between the urban design conceived by Francisco Rodrigues Saturnino de Brito for the expansion of the city of Vitoria Novo Arrabalde - and the natural environment where the project was placed. Specifically, the study aims to identify the components that somehow underlie the innovation of the proposal in relation to the characteristic pattern of occupation of Vitoria to the late nineteenth century, especially the option to keep the hills preserved from occupation. In the context of these possibilities, two issues are most relevant: the idea that the hills, just as the plains, are part of the desired spatiality, and the hypothesis that a conservationist bias may also have oriented the project design.

A proposição central desta tese é investigar o processo de urbanização da cidade de São Paulo, nas décadas de 1950 e 1960, numa perspectiva \"a partir de baixo\" (from below), seguindo uma linha metodológica de investigação em história social que remonta ao marxismo britânico, particularmente da forma proposta por E. P. Thompson e Raymond Williams. Desta forma, observa-se como as transformações da cidade são percebidas e representadas pelos grupos sociais subalternos da cidade, ou por seus praticantes ordinários, como denomina Michel de Certeau. Para empreender essa investigação, adotou-se como corpus documental fundamental o conjunto das composições musicais populares, enquanto registros verbais (mas não escritos) dos moradores da cidade; dessas composições, dedicou-se atenção principalmente aos sambas de compositores e intérpretes como João Rubinato (Adoniran Barbosa), Paulo Vanzolini, Germano Mathias, Geraldo Filme, Noite Ilustrada, Jorge Costa, Osvaldinho da Cuíca e Demônios da Garoa. A adoção da perspectiva \"a partir de baixo\" para o estudo da urbanização implica uma série de desafios metodológicos, cuja discussão é objeto da primeira parte da tese. Na segunda, investiga-se as condições de produção das fontes adotadas (o samba) a partir da análise das condições de vida e experiências urbanas dos sambistas. Para isso, são consideradas diversas fontes biográficas (biografias publicadas, trabalhos acadêmicos, entrevistas, documentários em diversos meios de divulgação), a partir das quais se constroi a trajetória dos sambistas no espaço urbano; a profissionalização dos sambistas ou as estratégias de sobrevivência e resposta à condição de insegurança estrutural que caracteriza, em quase todos os casos, a vida desses artistas; e a resposta coletiva a essas condicionantes, em termos de formas de organização dos sambistas, a constituição de suas identidades grupais, de suas redes sociais, e outras formas de associação. Na terceira e última parte, são analisados os sambas propriamente ditos, tanto em seus conteúdos líricos (letra) quanto musicais (melodia), articulando-os em busca de uma compreensão das percepções, dos desígnios e das expectativas (manifestas e tácitas) a respeito da cidade e suas transformações. / The central proposal of this thesis is to investigate São Paulo city urbanization process, during the 1950\'s and 1960\'s, within a perspective from below, following the methodological guidelinesof investigation in social history as proposed by British Marxist historians, particularly as proposed by E. P. Thompson and Raymond Williams. Thus, it is observed how urban transformations have been perceived and represented by subaltern social groups of the city, or by its ordinary practicers, as Michel de Certeau named them. In order to undertake this research, there has been adopted as the fundamental document corpus a set of popular music compositions, taken as verbal records (but not written) of city residents; from these compositions, we devoted ourselves mainly to the attention of samba composers and performers such as João Rubinato (Adoniran Barbosa), Paulo Vanzolini, Germano Mathias, Geraldo Filme, Noite Ilustrada, Jorge Costa, Osvaldinho da Cuíca and Demônios da Garoa. Adopting the perspective \"from below\"for the study of urbanization implies a series of methodological challenges whose discussion is the subject of the first part of the thesis. In the second part, production conditions of the sources taken (samba) are investigated from the analysis of living conditions and urban experiences of sambistas (samba players). For this purpose, various biographical sources are considered (published biographies, academic papers, interviews, documentaries on various means of dissemination), from which the trajectory of sambistas in urban areas is constructed; as well as professionalization of samba or the survival strategies and responses to the strutural insecurity condition which characterizes, in almost all the cases, the lives of these artists; and the collective response to such constraints, in terms of forms of organization of the sambistas, the formation of their group identities, their social networks, and a other kinds of association. In the third and final section, the sambas themselves are analysed, both in its lyrical and musical content (lyrics and melody), articulating them in search of an understanding of perceptions, plans and expectations (overt and implied) concerning the city and its transformations.

As ruas e o papel que elas representam para a cidade e para a vivência urbana são abordados nesse trabalho através de seus aspectos materiais e imateriais: suas características ísicas, sua concretude e as relações, os usos e os conteúdos que abrigam. Tal distinção importa para entender a relação dialética que se instala; a morfologia ísica resulta da coniguração social, ao mesmo tempo que essa é conformada pelo ambiente ísico. A partir dessa constatação, pretende-se estudar diferentes e representativos peris de ruas na história da cidade e do urbanismo. A modernidade assistiu a intensas transformações do espaço urbano com o advento das grandes cidades, bem como da experiência urbana proporcionada em tais ambientes, criando uma inédita cena urbana que tinha na rua sua principal representante. O caos que essas cidades apresentavam, fontes simultaneamente de prazer e angústia, de excitação e desorientação, foi estreitado de seus sentidos nos ordenados espaços planejados pelo racionalismo moderno e pelo urbanismo funcionalista. O mal estar sentido por uma vida urbana que não conseguia se desenvolver em sua plenitude em tais espaços resultou em um movimento de crítica e resistência que tomou corpo na década de 1960 reivindicando o retorno, a volta da conexão entre a vida cotidiana e o espaço urbano, e que tem na rua o palco e o motor de suas ações, destacando o seu potencial de transformação da paisagem e da experiência urbana. / The streets and the role they represent for the city and the urban life will be approached through its material and immaterial aspects: its physical characteristics, its concreteness and the relations, uses and contents that they shelter. Such distinction matters to understand the dialectical relationship that sets in; the physical morphology results from the social coniguration, at the same time that it is conformed by the physical environment. From this conirmation, we intend to study different and representative street proiles in the citys history and urbanism. Modernity witnessed intense transformations of urban space with the advent of large cities, as well as the urban experience provided in such environments, creating an unprecedented urban scene that had on the street its main representative. The chaos that these cities presented, sources simultaneously of pleasure and anguish, of excitement and disorientation, was narrowed of their senses in the orderly spaces planned by modern rationalism and functionalist urbanism. The malaise felt by an urban life that could not develop in its fullness in such spaces resulted in a movement of criticism and resistance that took shape in the 1960s demanding the return of the connection between daily life and urban space, and that has in the street the stage and the motor of its actions, highlighting its potential of landscape transformation of the landscape and the urban experience.

As ruas e o papel que elas representam para a cidade e para a vivência urbana são abordados nesse trabalho através de seus aspectos materiais e imateriais: suas características ísicas, sua concretude e as relações, os usos e os conteúdos que abrigam. Tal distinção importa para entender a relação dialética que se instala; a morfologia ísica resulta da coniguração social, ao mesmo tempo que essa é conformada pelo ambiente ísico. A partir dessa constatação, pretende-se estudar diferentes e representativos peris de ruas na história da cidade e do urbanismo. A modernidade assistiu a intensas transformações do espaço urbano com o advento das grandes cidades, bem como da experiência urbana proporcionada em tais ambientes, criando uma inédita cena urbana que tinha na rua sua principal representante. O caos que essas cidades apresentavam, fontes simultaneamente de prazer e angústia, de excitação e desorientação, foi estreitado de seus sentidos nos ordenados espaços planejados pelo racionalismo moderno e pelo urbanismo funcionalista. O mal estar sentido por uma vida urbana que não conseguia se desenvolver em sua plenitude em tais espaços resultou em um movimento de crítica e resistência que tomou corpo na década de 1960 reivindicando o retorno, a volta da conexão entre a vida cotidiana e o espaço urbano, e que tem na rua o palco e o motor de suas ações, destacando o seu potencial de transformação da paisagem e da experiência urbana. / The streets and the role they represent for the city and the urban life will be approached through its material and immaterial aspects: its physical characteristics, its concreteness and the relations, uses and contents that they shelter. Such distinction matters to understand the dialectical relationship that sets in; the physical morphology results from the social coniguration, at the same time that it is conformed by the physical environment. From this conirmation, we intend to study different and representative street proiles in the citys history and urbanism. Modernity witnessed intense transformations of urban space with the advent of large cities, as well as the urban experience provided in such environments, creating an unprecedented urban scene that had on the street its main representative. The chaos that these cities presented, sources simultaneously of pleasure and anguish, of excitement and disorientation, was narrowed of their senses in the orderly spaces planned by modern rationalism and functionalist urbanism. The malaise felt by an urban life that could not develop in its fullness in such spaces resulted in a movement of criticism and resistance that took shape in the 1960s demanding the return of the connection between daily life and urban space, and that has in the street the stage and the motor of its actions, highlighting its potential of landscape transformation of the landscape and the urban experience.

This thesis examines the social and urban history of mapmaking in Edinburgh between c.1880 and c.1920 and argues that cartography, along with the associated printing and publishing industries in the city, provides an effective lens on broader urban concerns. The predominant focus of the archival research is on the family-run firm John Bartholomew & Co., internationally-renowned map publishers during the period. The central questions of the thesis relate to print, knowledge, space and place. The work is grounded, in particular, within urban history and the geography of the book. Chapters are structured around the 'lifecycle' of a map and a re-modelled version of Robert Darnton's 'communications circuit'. Map production can profitably be contextualised within late nineteenth and early twentieth-century Edinburgh. A taxonomy of the contemporary printing and publishing industries shows - following Pierre Bourdieu's theory of the 'field of cultural production' - that it is crucial to understand the economic, industrial and intellectual setting in which cartographers operated. In this respect, mapmaking is viewed as a fundamentally social process, a theme that continues into the factory, where technological developments are considered in the context of workers' experiences. The buildings and spaces in which mapmaking occurred take on epistemological significance: they reflect how ideas about city space were made and the related importance of local knowledge. Changes in the sites and conditions of cartographic production corresponded with the increasing organisation of space shown in maps and fire insurance plans such as those produced by the firm Charles E. Goad. Once maps left the premises, a geographical approach to understanding distribution advances links between production and consumption: the local conditions of their making influenced international, national and local sales networks. Throughout, the thesis emphasises the importance of understanding maps as socially constituted objects. This also allows for new insights into the purchasing, ownership and use of maps. Tracing specific instances of use shows that meaning was not solely shaped by cartographers but also by the ongoing interactions and interventions of owners or readers. Overall, the thesis shows that mapmaking was a continually developing way of understanding the city. This was true for cartographers, city officials, or insurers, each of whose increasingly detailed conception of urban space corresponded with more accurate production practices and the greater availability of printed cartographic material. Mapmaking was also part of a broader move towards the growing documentation of urban places. The forms of cartography examined in this thesis show how codified, empirical systems of knowledge came to occupy a privileged position in late nineteenth and early twentieth-century cities. In particular, mapmaking practices in Edinburgh changed not only how the urban was depicted, but also how city spaces were conceptualised and used.

Essa dissertação tem como objeto de estudo as relações entre o desenho urbano concebido por Francisco Rodrigues Saturnino de Brito para a expansão da cidade de Vitória o Novo Arrabalde e o meio natural onde se desenvolve este projeto. Especificamente, o estudo busca identificar os componentes que de alguma forma fundamentam a inovação da proposta em relação ao padrão de ocupação característico da cidade de Vitória até fins do século XIX, especialmente a opção de se manter os morros preservados da ocupação. No contexto dessas possibilidades, duas questões são mais relevantes: a ideia de que os morros, da mesma forma que as planícies, façam parte da espacialidade almejada; e a hipótese de que um viés conservacionista possa ter também orientado a concepção do projeto. / This thesis object of study is the relationship between the urban design conceived by Francisco Rodrigues Saturnino de Brito for the expansion of the city of Vitoria Novo Arrabalde - and the natural environment where the project was placed. Specifically, the study aims to identify the components that somehow underlie the innovation of the proposal in relation to the characteristic pattern of occupation of Vitoria to the late nineteenth century, especially the option to keep the hills preserved from occupation. In the context of these possibilities, two issues are most relevant: the idea that the hills, just as the plains, are part of the desired spatiality, and the hypothesis that a conservationist bias may also have oriented the project design.

Over the course of the nineteenth century, while many towns and cities grew at a remarkable rate, interest in architectural design, planning, and the quality of urban landscapes also increased. By the close of the century a number of associations had been established that were concerned with promoting the care of ancient buildings, the protection of open spaces, or the quality of future urban growth. During the twentieth century associational activity concerned with the quality of urban space has proliferated. Many, if not most, towns and cities in Britain have an organized body dedicated to campaigning and acting for the interests of local identity, development and heritage. Sometimes these are called Preservation Trusts (as in St Andrews or Cambridge), sometimes they are simply named after the city to which they belong (The London Society or The Warwick Society), most commonly they are known as Civic Societies. Regardless of name, they share key objectives: the promotion of high standards in planning and architecture; the preservation of historically or aesthetically significant buildings; the education of the public in the history, geography, and architecture of the local environment. In the early twentieth century these organizations provided a focus for discussions about the nature of urban space and approaches to shaping the development of towns and cities. They brought together a range of individuals, including planners, architects, reformers, academics, artists and politicians, who shared a concern for the landscape of Britain’s cities. Through their discussions and activities emerged an approach to urban development that emphasised socio-scientific methods and ideas in combination with an argument about the affective bonds that connect individuals to a place. The approach was often called civics and the agenda pressed forward by civic associations and their members forms the focus for this study. This work explores the continuities between philanthropic experiment in the later nineteenth century and the civic movement of the twentieth century by demonstrating the connections between earlier and later activities, and emphasising the continued involvement of a number of key individuals and families. It makes a contribution to understanding professional development in the fields of planning, architecture and urban studies. Key figures in the history of British planning, such as Patrick Abercrombie, Raymond Unwin and George Pepler, formed their early professional networks through civic groups, while architects including Charles Reilly and Aston Webb developed their collaborations through their involvement with the civic movement. Furthermore, individuals whose role in British urban sociology, most notably Patrick Geddes, has influenced the ways in which we study our urban areas first promoted their ideas and methods through the network of civic associations that developed over the course of early twentieth century. Through the analysis this thesis draws in theoretically informed questions. Firstly these relate to the role of voluntary associations and networks in structuring the development of professions, circulating their bodies of specialist knowledge and securing wider participation in urban policy. Secondly, the thesis considers the manner in which spaces come to hold the meaning and memories of particular groups, the significance and power of representations of place and the emerging tradition of spatial history that privileges the micro-processes through which places are created and sustained.

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