Entre la fin du XVe siècle et les années 1610, le, le parlement de Bretagne s'installe à Rennes au détriment d'autres candidates au statut de capitale provinciale (Nantes et Vannes). On observe alors une sorte de « renaissance politique » de la ville appuyée sur des attitudes nouvelles de prédation institutionnelle qui visent à atteindre une forme de distinction à l’échelle de la province. Le parlement s’installe définitivement à Rennes dans les années 1560 et contribue à attirer de nouvelles élites qui constituent de nouveaux réseaux de notabilité. Au même moment, la municipalité et le siège présidial voient leur importance et leur champ d'action redéfinis dans les domaines politique et administratif à mesure que le parlement progresse dans ses prérogatives en ville. La thèse tente de démontrer que l’installation d’une cour souveraine et le maintien d’une volonté de distinction accélère le passage d'une ex-Capitale ducale à une capitale servant de relais pour la monarchie, forte de ses institutions mais où l’équilibre politique entre les différents corps constitués est rendu plus complexe. L’intégration du duché de Bretagne au royaume de France a proposé aux élites urbaines des options et des opportunités en termes de discours, de fidélités et d’attitudes politiques et les Rennais se sont positionnés, dans ce domaine, avec une habileté toute particulière. Le processus est en relation étroite avec la composition sociale et professionnelle du corps de ville. La « communauté de Rennes », à l’origine dominée par un groupe de marchands, procureurs et notaires concentrés sur la fiscalité et la gestion urbaine (notamment du dispositif des murs de la ville) s’est enrichie à partir du début du XVIe issus des cours de justice ordinaires (sénéchaussée, prévôté puis présidial). C’est ce groupe à plusieurs composantes qui s’est battu, contre Nantes en particulier, pour que Rennes devienne et demeure la capitale institutionnelle et judiciaire de la province bretonne. / Between the end of the 15th century and the 1610’s, the parliament of Bretagne chose the city of Rennes over others candidates like Nantes or Vannes. At the same time there seemed to occur a sort of political Renaissance of the city linked to new attitudes, like the desire of creating new institutions that aimed to obtain a form of distinctive honor in the province. The parliament settles once and for all in Rennes in the 1560’s and participates to introduce a new elite in order to build innovative webs of notability. In the mean time, the municipality and the siège présidial saw their political responsibilities minored as the prerogative of the parliament was getting bigger in the city. The study tries to show that the settling of the judiciary court and the upkeep of a strong will of distinction speeds up the transition from an ex capital of the Dukes, to a royal provincial capital with the possibility of becoming a representative of the royal power. The city would eventually be stronger thanks to the variety of its institutions but the political balance has become more complex. The integration of the duchy to the French crown generated a series of options and opportunities to the urban elite in areas such as speeches and political attitudes. In this context, Rennes chose its position with a very accurate skill. This process seems to be related to the social and professional composition of the corps de ville. The “communauté de Rennes”, formerly led by a group of merchants, prosecutors or notaries who used to focus on the tax system and urbanism (especially the fortification walls of the city) was enriched in the beginning of the 16th century by new elements from the judiciary courts (“sénéchaussée”, “prévôté” and “siège présidial”). This group with various components led the fighting, against Nantes in particular, to let the city of Rennes become and remain the institutional and judiciary capital of the province of Bretagne.

The prevailing political theory of late medieval England established the wealthiest men as the best able to bear the responsibilities of town governance and protect the common good of the community. Examining three middling towns in Greater East Anglia: Colchester, Ipswich, and Great Yarmouth, this study explores the relationship between the ruling elite and other inhabitants of their towns. Although the ruling elite were distinguished through their wealth and power, they were also active members of their community. Not only did they act to protect the economic and political interests of the community, but they were also invested in their local economies and connected to the other members of their community through legal structures and trust networks. Economic and political circumstances, however, impacted the development of these relationships. Great Yarmouth’s reliance on the highly competitive herring industry created a closely connected ruling elite, whose frequent actions together in defense of the town’s common good along with their regulation of the trade to the benefit of their own self-interests solidified their rule. In contrast, Colchester and Ipswich’s reliance on the cloth industry, which expanded in the late Middle Ages, created a number of opportunities for the ruling elite outside the town resulting in a higher turn over within these towns’ ruling elite. Although they acted to protect the jurisdictional boundaries of the town and were connected to other inhabitants of the town through trust networks, these connections were weaker than in Great Yarmouth. Local circumstances are essential to understanding how late medieval towns were governed.

No description available.

This thesis examines the experiences and impact of wartime mobilization in the county of Devon. It argues that a crucial role was played by the county’s elites who became the self-appointed intermediaries of the war experience on a local level and who took an explicitly exhortative role, attempting to educate Devonians in the codes of ideal conduct in wartime. These armchair patriots, defined by the local commentator Stephen Reynolds as ‘provincial patriots’, superintended the patriotism of Devon’s population, evaluating that patriotism against the strength of their own. Through a critical exploration of Reynolds’ definition of Devon’s elite as the police-men and women of patriotism, this thesis reveals the ambiguities, constraints and complexities surrounding mobilization and remobilization in Devon. The evidence from Devon reveals the autonomy of Devon’s citizens as they attempted to navigate the different challenges of the war while they weighed-up individual and local interests against the competing requests that the ‘provincial patriots’ prescribed for them. In many cases, their responses to the appeals and prescriptions from Devon’s elite were informed by what they considered to be an appropriate contribution to the war effort. Therefore, the choice to participate in the measures introduced in the name of war effort in Devon was not a binary one. A tension between individual survival and national survival in the county was apparent in the encounters between Devon’s elite as agents of mobilization and the county’s populace during the war. Through various campaigns of superintendence in order to police the patriotism of Devon’s people, the ‘provincial patriots’ attempted to navigate through the terrain of these competing priorities and resolve this tension. In their endeavours to mobilize Devon’s populace, the authority of Devon’s elite was criticised and they faced constant negotiation between individual priorities and those of the nation. This analysis of the complexity of the Devonian experience of the First World War is sceptical about the ‘total’ nature of the First World War because the war to some Devonians was not the pre-eminent issue and did not absorb all of the county’s efforts. Rather, a significant part of Devon’s population was primarily concerned with individual priorities and that of the county throughout the war years.

In this thesis, a collective urban sector-consisting, in various different guises, of civic governments, urban merchants, and townspeople-is presented as a vital and distinctive component of later medieval English political society. The dynamics of this urban political sector are reconstructed through the use of a modified version of the 'urban systems' approach found in historical geography and economic history, positing that towns are defined by their evolving relationship with one another. Drawing from the municipal records of twenty-two towns, this thesis charts the composition of the later medieval English 'urban system' and the manner in which urban groups belonging to this 'system' participated in a broader national political sphere over four chronological periods-1413-35, 1435-50, 1450-61, and 1461-71. In 1413-35, the highly authoritative and institutionalised governments of Henry V and the child Henry VI fostered vertical relationships between the Crown and a variety of individual civic governments, leading both national and urban political actors to operate within a shared political culture, but not necessarily encouraging inter-urban political communication. This would change in the periods that followed, as the absence of strong royal authority after 1435 renewed the strength of lateral mercantile networks and facilitated the re-emergence of a semi-autonomous inter-urban political community, which saw little reason to participate in the civil wars of the early 1450s that now seemed divorced from its own interests. In the 1460s, however, the financially extractive policies of Edward IV once again gave civic governments and ordinary townspeople a greater stake in royal government, which was reflected in the high level of urban participation in the dynastic conflicts of 1469-71. The developments occurring in these four phases illustrate both the interdependence of urban and national politics in the later medieval period, and the mutability of their relationship with one another.

Of the many powers granted to federal, state, and local governments through the Constitution of theUnited States, eminent domain is possibly the strongest and most imposing, at least as it relates to citizens’ property rights. This dissertation explores several large-scale public undertakings inNew Orleansduring the period from 1929 to 2011 in which the application of eminent domain was necessary to accomplish the government’s goals. This research window will allow the analysis of eminent domain applications from the construction of the Municipal Auditorium through the new medical center projects spurred by the flooding associated with Hurricane Katrina. This timeframe also allows for evaluation of the interaction between planning inNew Orleansand the City’s exercises of eminent domain. By better understanding the past uses of eminent domain and the goals and policies that drove the exercise of this power, researchers and planning practitioners will be better informed in making decisions that will impact the rebuilding and the future ofNew Orleans. The specific cases studied as part of this dissertation are: the Municipal Auditorium (Chapter 2); the development of Public Housing (Chapter 3); the Civic Center (Chapter 4), Bridges and Highways (Chapter 5), the Cultural Center (Chapter 6); and the Medical Center of Louisiana at New Orleans and Veterans Administration Medical Center (Chapter 7). The reason for evaluating all types of projects resulting in the use of eminent domain use inNew Orleansis because all have profound impacts on the communities in which this governmental power is exercised. The primary finding of this dissertation is that the exercise of eminent domain has never been used a principal tool in the implementation of redevelopment proposals in the city ofNew Orleans. All projects throughout the established research period required the use of governmental expropriation authority to complete land acquisition, but in all cases the government’s authority was used conservatively and only when privately negotiated purchases failed.

Esta pesquisa procura elaborar uma história sociocultural da cidade de Sorocaba, no período compreendido entre a década de 1890, quando ocorre a intensificação da industrialização na cidade, e meados dos anos 1940. Assim, o objeto a ser estudado é a própria cidade de Sorocaba nesse período, o que significa pensar a inserção e especificidade da cidade nos fluxos da modernidade, processo histórico pautado pelas transformações e adensamento das relações capitalistas no país. A partir dessa questão, procuro investigar aspectos do desenvolvimento urbano ocorrido em Sorocaba, pensando a cidade como artefato, a partir do estudo de alguns melhoramentos urbanos fundamentais como a implantação do serviço de água e esgotos e a utilização da eletricidade; e as representações, impressões e percepções elaboradas nesse contexto e que interagem com essas transformações. O que significa procurar apreender a fisionomia da cidade. Tais modificações são implementadas pelas elites dirigentes locais e que, por conta disso, constroem uma representação da cidade que a tornaria conhecida como Manchester Paulista. Portanto, o objetivo é analisar e historicizar tal construção simbólica, interagindo-a com outras representações / percepções da urbe, engendradas por diversos grupos, segmentos e classes sociais no âmbito do cotidiano; procurando, desse modo, apreender as múltiplas práticas, formas de sociabilidade, que vão se tecendo entre os diferentes atores no espaço urbano em decorrência das modificações pelas quais passa a cidade durante o período em tela. / The purpose of this research is to create a social-cultural history about the city of Sorocaba, in the corresponding period between the decade of 1890, when industrialization is intensified in the city, and the first years of the decade of 1940. Therefore the object to be studied is the city of Sorocaba itself during this period; the challenge is also to reflect about the entrance and specificity of the city in the modernity flow, a historical process regulated by the transformation and intensification of the capitalistic relations in the country. Concerning this issue, I intend to investigate aspects of the urban development that took place in Sorocaba, so in order to think of the city as an artifact, it is crucial to study a few fundamental urban improvements, like the introduction of the water and drain system and the use of electricity, and the representations, impressions and perceptions elaborated in this context that interact with these transformations. The idea is to search for and grasp the physiognomy of the city. Such modifications are implemented by the local governing elites, which consequently build an image of the city that would become known as the Manchester of São Paulo. Therefore, the aim is to analyze and historicize this symbolic construction, connecting it with other representations/ perceptions of the urbe, produced by several groups, segments and social classes in the daily routine, by this means the endeavor is to grasp the various practices, forms of sociability, that occur among different actors in the urban space as a consequence of the modifications that the city goes through during the observed period.

Os territórios, os espaços, a vida vivida nos espaços das cidades nos ajudam a compreender os processos políticos de formação da cidadania, do imaginário, das memórias e o modo como nominamos, usamos e referenciamos nossos espaços. Iremos neste trabalho elaborar uma história dos processos de ocupação da Amazônia, do Estado do Amazonas e principalmente questionar quais as razões para que nesse processo a Cidade de Manaus tenha tido sua história urbana e da própria cidade em si, tendo sido construída com lapsos de memória, esquecimentos de determinados momentos de sua história como cidade. / Territories, spaces, life lived in areas of the city help us understand the political processes of citizenship formation, imagination, memories and how nominated, and we mention we use our spaces. This work will develop a history of the processes of occupation of the Amazon, the State of Amazonas and mostly questioning the reasons for that in this process the City of Manaus had its own urban history and the city itself, having been built with memory lapses, forgetting certain moments of its history as a city.

O tema desta pesquisa é a atribuição de valor no campo do Patrimônio Cultural e o Sítio Alagadiço Novo, em Fortaleza, Ceará, é seu objeto de estudo. O Sítio Alagadiço foi o local de nascimento do romancista José de Alencar e teve suas terras remanescentes tombadas em 2012 pelo Instituto do Patrimônio Histórico Nacional (IPHAN). Propriedade da Universidade Federal do Ceará (UFC) desde 1965, o lugar abriga a instituição Casa de José de Alencar (CJA), órgão subordinado diretamente à Reitoria da UFC. A CJA é, inclusive, a denominação por que o Sítio é mais comumente conhecido pela comunidade fortalezense hoje. Isso posto, a questão de pesquisa da dissertação é: O que legitimou o tombamento do Sítio Alagadiço Novo? A fim de responder tal pergunta primeiro levantou-se a historiografia do Sítio em ordem com a história dos Alencar e com a evolução urbana de Fortaleza. Foram estipuladas três fases que correspondem aos ciclos econômicos da cidade, bem como coincidem com os ciclos em que (I) o Sítio Alagadiço Novo não existia como tal (1700-1810); (II) em que os Alencar viveram no lugar (1810-1930) e (III) ao ciclo pós-Alencar (1930-2018). A interpretação desse recorte historiográfico foi feita por meio do uso dos conceitos de Valor e Imaginário que serviram à provação da hipótese de que o tombamento do Sítio, em sua gênese, deveu-se à introjeção de um imaginário em torno da figura do escritor José de Alencar transformado em herói local no início do século XX. / This research explores the value attribution in the field of Cultural Heritage and the Sítio Alagadiço Novo, in Fortaleza, Ceará, is the object of the study. The Sítio Alagadiço was the birthplace of the novelist José de Alencar and had its remaining lands listed in 2012 by the National Historical Heritage Institute (IPHAN). Property of the Federal University of Ceará (UFC) since 1965, the place houses the institution Casa de José de Alencar (CJA), a subordinate body of the UFC’s Board. The CJA is even the denomination by which the site is most commonly known by the community of Fortaleza nowadays. With that being said, the research question of this dissertation is: What values did legitimize the heritage listing of Sítio Alagadiço Novo? In order to answer such a question, the historiography of the Site was elaborated in parallel with the history of the Alencar family and the urban evolution of Fortaleza. Three phases were stipulated corresponding to the economic cycles of the city as well as coincide with the cycles in which (I) the Sítio Alagadiço Novo did not exist as such (1700-1810); (II) in which the Alencar family lived in the place (1810-1930) and (III) the Post-Alencar cycle (1930-2018). The interpretation of this historiographic clipping was made through the use of the concepts of Value and Imaginary that served to test the following hypothesis: the listing of the Site, in its genesis, was due to the introjection of an imaginary around the figure of José de Alencar, whom was transformed into a local hero in the early 20th century.

Celebrado recentemente pela imprensa estrangeira como um dos dez melhores parques urbanos do mundo, o Parque Ibirapuera é um símbolo de São Paulo. Projetado como o palco de convergência para os eventos comemorativos do IV Centenário da cidade, foi inaugurado em 1954 para simbolizar a ascensão da capital ao mundo moderno e industrializado. A história do parque, de seus edifícios e arredores é marcada por disputas, incertezas e apropriações casuísticas que ainda permanecem vorazes. Seus edifícios modernos, projetados sem clara definição de uso após os festejos que os ensejaram, foram objeto de intensa apropriação pelo poder público e entidades privadas, que obstaculizaram uma gestão integrada e coerente do Ibirapuera. Partindo da constatação preliminar de que o parque, assim como seu conjunto arquitetônico projetado por Oscar Niemeyer e equipe, foi fragmentado funcionalmente em diversas \"ilhas\" ao longo do tempo, procura-se compreendê-lo como um espaço altamente dinâmico e pautado por práticas que muitas vezes ameaçam a preservação de sua espacialidade e seu caráter público. Apesar de ser desde finais do século XX um território que se define pela concentração de algumas das mais importantes instituições culturais do país, é emblemático de sua trajetória instável o fato de que seus edifícios tenham sido apropriados por órgãos burocráticos durante mais de meio século e que sua área verde tenha sido drasticamente diminuída. O Parque Ibirapuera foi ainda rodeado por grandes avenidas, atravessado por túneis e entrecortado por zonas residenciais e grandes equipamentos urbanos - hospitais, institutos científicos, clubes privados, sede legislativa, sede de departamento de trânsito e zonas militares. Assim, neste estudo, ele é compreendido tanto como evidência quanto como instrumento de uma esfera pública que é definida por sua coexistência com interesses privados e geralmente por eles enfraquecida. / Ibirapuera Park, celebrated recently by the international press as one of the world\'s ten best urban parks, is an icon of São Paulo. It was designed to be the focal point of the city\'s 400th anniversary commemorations and was inaugurated in 1954 to symbolize the capital\'s entry to the modern industrialized world. The park\'s history, its buildings and surroundings are marred by continuing insatiable disputes, uncertainties and casuistic appropriations even today. Its modern buildings, designed with no clearly defined use after the festivities that gave rise to them, were the object of intense appropriation by both public authorities and private entities, barriers to a coherent and integrated management of Ibirapuera. Based on the preliminary observation that the park, together with its architectural complex designed by Oscar Niemeyer and his team, was divided functionally into various \"islands\" over the years, an attempt is made to understand it as a highly dynamic space, characterized by practices that very often endanger the preservation of its spatiality and public nature. Although since the late 20th century it is an area that concentrates some of the country\'s most valuable cultural institutions, the fact that its buildings have been taken over by bureaucratic bodies for over half a century and its green area drastically reduced is emblematic of its uncertain trajectory. Ibirapuera Park was moreover hemmed in by wide avenues, crossed by tunnels and intersected by residential neighborhoods and major urban equipment, such as hospitals, scientific institutes, private clubs, legislative headquarters, traffic department head office and military zones. So in this study it is understood as both proof and instrument of a public sphere marked by its coexistence with private interests and generally undermined by them.