Unable to enact change through the existing political institutions of their authoritarian regimes, and consistently repressed by state security forces (the mukhabarat), activists in Egypt and Syria relied on street activism to challenge their conditions. This study analyzes the Arab Spring uprisings in Egypt and Syria through the conceptual lens of a rhizome. Rhizomatic movements are horizontal, grassroots, and allow for the networking of local community-specific grievances, into larger national movements. This networking allows opposition members groups to build solidarity, construct collective identities, and develop a set of shared goals, strategies, and tactics. Furthermore, it provides for the transcendence of existing societal divides (such as religious, ideological, political, socio-cultural, and class), allowing participants to unite as a single force. Since a rhizome is horizontal and lacks a fixed structure, they are significantly more difficult to dismantle, as there is not a set leadership or hierarchy to target. Importantly, this rhizomatic logic integrates itself within the notion of viewing movements within larger cycles of protest or waves of contention. Rhizomatic movements are built through the praxis of networking, rather than through ideological networking. As such, the conditions and history of opposition movements provides important analytical considerations. This study, using process tracing, argues that the Egyptian revolution was rhizomatic in nature and thus able to pose a significant enough force to challenge Mubarak's regime. Although faced with brutal repression, activists remained coordinated, interconnected, and continued to mobilize. Conversely, the Syrian opposition, plagued by years of in-fighting among activists, was unable to develop as a rhizomatic force. Activists failed to sufficiently network, build collective identities, and develop common tactics. This hindered their ability to appeal to and mobilize large segments of the population that were discontent with Assad but still viewed him as the best option for their own interests. When faced with systematic suppression by Assad's regime, the opposition faltered, returning to their own respective individual self-interests and goals, allowing the regime to fragment their attempts at mobilization.

Les usines récupérées par les ouvriers en Argentine sont devenues un mouvement social emblématique symbolisant l'un des aspects de la révolte sociale entourant la crise économique de 2001-2002. Les usines récupérées sont des entreprises abandonnées par leurs propriétaires originaux ou déclarées faillite, laissant derrières elles des salaires et des dettes impayés. Par conséquence, les ouvriers ont commencé à récupérer leurs usines; reprenant la production sans leurs anciens patrons, sous, et au profit de la gestion collective des ouvriers. Le mouvement est remarquable pour sa rémunération égalitaire et sa gestion horizontale. Ce travail examine la continuité des usines récupérées et ceci à travers l'évolution sociale, politique et économique du paysage de l'Argentine. Il évalue également l'impact du mouvement en tant que défi aux modes économiques de production hégémoniques et orientés vers le marché. En supposant que l'avenir du mouvement dépend de deux ensembles de facteurs, le rapport analyse les facteurs internes à travers le prisme de la théorie de mobilisation des ressources, ainsi que les facteurs externes à travers la perspective de la théorie de la structure de l'opportunité politique. Le travail conclut que la situation actuelle se trouve dans une impasse dans laquelle le mouvement a gagné l'acceptation institutionnelle, mais a échoué d'effectuer le changement structurel favorisant ses pratiques et garantissant la sécurité à long terme. Il argumente que le mouvement doit consolider certains aspects combatifs. Il doit consolider sa nouvelle identité en tant que mouvement social et forger des alliances stratégiques et tactiques tout en préservant son autonomie. / The worker-recovered factories of Argentina became an emblematic social movement symbolizing one of the aspects of the social upheaval surrounding the economic crisis of 2001-2002. The recovered factories are enterprises abandoned by their original owners or declared bankrupt, leaving behind unpaid wages and trailing debts. In response, workers began recuperating their factories; resuming production without their former bosses, under, and for the benefit of, a collective worker management. The movement is remarkable for its egalitarian remuneration and its horizontal management. This paper examines the continuity of the recovered factories through the evolving social, political and economic landscape of Argentina. It also assesses the impact of the movement as a challenge to the hegemonic, market-oriented, economic modes of production. Assuming that the future of the movement depends on two sets of factors, the paper analyses internal factors through the prism of resource mobilization theory and external factors from the perspective of political opportunity structure theory. The work concludes that the current situation is one of stalemate, in which the movement gained institutional acceptance, but failed to effect structural change favouring its practices and guaranteeing long-term security. It argues that the movement needs to consolidate certain combative aspects. It must consolidate its new identity as a social movement and forge strategic and tactical alliances while preserving its autonomy.

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