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  • About
  • The Global ETD Search service is a free service for researchers to find electronic theses and dissertations. This service is provided by the Networked Digital Library of Theses and Dissertations.
    Our metadata is collected from universities around the world. If you manage a university/consortium/country archive and want to be added, details can be found on the NDLTD website.
1

中共劃設東海防空識別區對東海區域安全衝擊之研究 / The Influence of the security of East China Sea on PRC'S Air Defense Identification Zone

高岳良 Unknown Date (has links)
設立防空識別區的根本目的是為了維護國家空防安全,基本理念是「禦敵於國門之外」,是國家行使自保權的需要,是一個主權國家的重要防禦手段。空軍軍事法院院長刑洪波曾說:作為一個預警概念,防空識別區制度具有國家性、單方性、穩定性、防禦性、強制性五個方面的特性。防空識別區的劃設與國家安全的關係是緊密不分的,雖然防空識別區是由自身國家所劃設,在國際上是不具有國際法效力,但是此區可以說是一個國家空防能夠及早預警的延伸範圍,所以它的劃設是具有其必要性的。而如何劃設本身國家的防空識別區便與國際政治上國家與國家之間的影響力有密切關係。 近年來中共經濟發展迅速,在國際事務上已成關鍵,有發展成強權國家之勢,在2012年發生了日本收購釣魚島事件,對於東海戰略平衡上,破壞了中、日、台在東海上的平衡,也影響了中共防空識別區的劃定及周邊航道安全的維護。而2013年中共設立東海防空識別區,對於國際造成嚴重影響,尤其是東海地區局勢更加動盪。中共在2015年1月15日發布飛航公告,擬在台灣海峽劃設一條南北向新航路,與東西向三條新航路,此舉動造成台灣海峽及附近區域安全上的強烈衝擊。而美國為了圍堵、威攝和遏制中國大陸的崛起,近年來不斷的和日、韓等國家在黃海、東海、南海地區頻繁進行大規模軍演,並決定「亞太再平衡政策」,推動戰略東移目標,要在2020年內將60%的軍事力量轉移至亞太地區,擴大其在該地區的軍事基地建設,進駐先進武器在關島及其他基地。而對中華民國而言,中共劃設東海防空識別區對東海地區安全的衝擊,是非常重要的,中華民國應強化在東海的話語權,並從多邊面向思考對外發展戰略思維的調整。 / Established air defense identification zone's fundamental purpose is to safeguard national aviation security, the basic idea is the "enemy out," is the need to exercise the right of national self-protection is an important means of defense of a sovereign state. President of the Air Force Military Court Criminal Hongbo said: As an early warning concept, air defense identification zone system has national characteristics unilateral, stability, defense, mandatory five aspects. Designation of the relationship between national security and air defense identification zone are closely regardless, although the air defense identification zone is the designation of the country itself, it is in the international community does not have the force of international law, but this area can be said to be a country capable of air defense extending the scope of immediate early warning, so it is a designation of its necessity. And how the designation of their national air defense identification zone will be closely related to the international political influence on the state and between countries. In recent years, the CCP's rapid economic development, has become critical in international affairs, has developed into a potential power countries, Japan, the acquisition of the Diaoyu Island incident occurred in 2012, the strategic balance on the East China Sea, destroyed, Japan and Taiwan in the East China Sea balance, also affected the delineation and the surrounding seaways CCP air defense identification zone maintenance. And in 2013 the CPC established the East China Sea air defense identification zone for international severely affected, especially the situation in the East China Sea region more volatile. CCP released January 15, 2015 flight announcement, to be in the Taiwan Strait designation of a new north-south route, with three new east-west route, this move will have a strong impact on the vicinity of the Taiwan Strait and regional security. And the United States to containment, deterrence and curb the rise of mainland China, in recent years, and Japan, Korea and other countries frequently conduct large-scale military exercises in the Yellow Sea, East China Sea, South China Sea, and decided to "rebalance Asia policy" to promote the strategic eastward target to 60% in 2020 year will be transferred to the Asia-Pacific region's military to expand its construction of military bases in the region, advanced weapons stationed in Guam and other bases. The Republic of China, the CPC designation of the impact of the East China Sea air defense identification zone of the East China Sea regional security, it is very important to the Republic of China should strengthen the right to speak in the East China Sea, and think to adjust its foreign strategic thinking from multilateral development-oriented.
2

歐巴馬時期的美日同盟關係之研究(2009-2014) / The US-Japan Relations in the Obama Administration (2009-2014)

林志穎, Lin, Chih Ying Unknown Date (has links)
本文的研究目的在於觀察美國總統歐巴馬任期內的美日同盟關係之互動,並加入當前國關學界對於「同盟政治」以及東亞區域安全課題的討論。由此,在研究過程中,首先詳述美國與日本的國家安全戰略與外交立場,以及兩國之間的互動如何有效維繫彼此的同盟關係。 在具體研究步驟上,同盟內部協調能力與面臨外在情勢的同盟凝聚力是本文主要探討的的兩大重點。本文首先將美日關係中的安全、政治與經貿議題當作同盟的內部因素,檢視美日同盟之間的合作與分歧議題,以及美國總統歐巴馬與日本首相之間的互動過程,藉此評估美日同盟的協調能力;另以中國因素做為外部因素,討論中國對於美日同盟的各項影響,再以案例分析,檢視美國處理中日爭執議題的立場與實際作為,觀察美日同盟與中國之間的互動過程,藉此檢視美日同盟的凝聚力。最後部分則總結美日同盟在歐巴馬總統任期內的整體變化與效能分析。 / This research focuses on the alliance politics of the US-Japan alliance in the Obama administration. From 2009 to 2014, the Obama administration has faced five different Japanese cabinets, both the governments of the US and Japan had different perceptions regarding the alliance cohesion and coordination. These perceptions, in addition to their political, economic, and secure interactions have created multiple impacts on the US-Japan alliance. The China factor is another key issue during this research. Although China and the United States are very far from being adversaries as they were in the beginning of the Cold War era, they do engage in issues like South China Sea, East China Sea, and the global economic competition. The Obama administration is also trying to avoid the alliance security dilemma—the risk of entrapment and the cost of abandonment—with the malign China-Japan relations. Besides, this research further investigates how the US-Japan alliance has adjusted itself to the changes and challenges in the global and the East Asia regional security.

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