隨著網際網路與資通訊科技的高度發展，企業打造多元的APP改變經營模式，同時政府機關為了提升政府運作效能與國家競爭力，亦設置了多元的行動化服務。新服務模式跨越了傳統時間與空間上的限制，對於傳統的代議政治體系中提供了更符合公民直接參與的機會。近年來，電子化政府的發展更被廣泛地賦予民主意涵，電子民主成為公民參與與政府治理之新溝通模式。 本研究透過電子公民參與相關研究文獻之彙整，盤點及歸類現行中央與地方政府所提供的APP服務與電子公民參與之間的關係。再者，根據分類的結果，針對擁有電子化決策參與精神的APP服務建構評估指標，本研究挑選臺北市長信箱以及阿倫Online作為參照個案，同時彙整網站服務品質指標、國內外電子化政府評估研究、政府服務滿意度評估研究、電子商務滿意度研究、首長信箱滿意度評估架構，以及結合網路資源等六類文獻，提出政府APP評估構面與操作化指標，並透過兩回合的結構式問卷訪談修改指標架構及內容。 本研究經結構式問卷訪談進行資料收集後，將政府APP評估構面與操作化指標區分為兩大主構面：系統品質以及公民參與與服務品質。前者，進一步細分出（1）視覺設計、（2）易用性、（3）安全及隱私等三大次構面，其中，視覺設計共有九項指標，如：APP名稱清楚明確，並能凸顯其具備陳情抱怨的特質、APP簡單整潔；易用性共有十九項指標，如：APP在點選後3秒內，能執行完畢、APP的功能簡單、便利；安全及隱私共有四項指標，如：APP所需的資訊與權限可以被接受、APP所需的個人資料項目可以被接受。 後者，細分出（1）互動及回覆內容品質、（2）有用性、（3）反應性、（4）效能感等四大次構面。其中，互動及回覆內容品質共有四項指標，如：主管單位回覆的資訊是充足的、主管單位的回覆是正確的；有用性共有三項指標，如：相較於臨櫃服務、1999與網頁版首長信箱，APP能更快速解決我陳情抱怨的問題、無須再透過其他系統或平台申辦帳號密碼，便可完成陳情抱怨程序；反應性共有六項指標，如：透過APP，政府機關能快速地接收到我的陳情、主管單位的回覆語氣與方式親切有禮；效能感共有三項指標，如：陳情通知或回覆的內容，讓我覺得主管單位了解我的困難及問題癥結、我認為主管單位的通知或回覆內容係針對我的需求與問題提供服務。總計有二大主構面、七大次構面，以及四十七項指標。同時依據每項指標對於APP意義程度上的差異，將指標區分為基本指標（must have）以及進階指標（good to have）兩種層次。 期望本研究建構的指標架構，除了可做為未來政府機關開發電子化決策參與APP的參考依據外，同時有助於主管機關改善及永續現行APP之經營與發展，並且強化APP的安全機制，邁向資訊開放及運用。後續研究可深入探討無障礙與安全性指標內容設計，待部分指標進一步操作化後，可運用德菲法讓指標項目具一致性，並採用AHP搭配深度訪談擬定指標權重，最終以大量發放問卷了解指標合適度以及了解APP的發展現況。 / The expansion of the Internet and the fast development of information communication technologies (ICTs) have changed service deliveries of enterprises and government organizations. Many enterprises change the service model with creating a variety of APPs. Government organizations, meanwhile, provide multiple mobile services in order to maximize the competitive advantage of nations. A novel service model breaks restrictions on time and space, providing the opportunity of direct democracy for the public. Lately, the development of electronic government is entitled to extensive democracy, and electronic government becomes a new communication model. In order to realize the meaning of e-democracy and the development of governments’ online services, this research reviews the literature of electronic democracy. The author use three dimensions, including ‘electronic information’, ‘electronic service and consultation’, and ‘electronic decision making and participation’, to categorize APPs created by central and local governments. Base on the previous findings, this research selects electronic decision making and participation of APPs to construct indicators. The author reviews six types of literatures, including web service quality indicators, electronic government assessment, governmental service quality research, electronic commerce satisfaction, mayor's email-box satisfaction, and Internet resources to establish indicators of governments’ APPs. The framework and contents of indicators are revised by implementing two rounds in-depth interviews with the questionnaire. According to empirical data, this research separate indicators into two dimensions, including System Quality and Citizen Participation & Service Quality. The System Quality has three sub-dimensions, including Visual Design, Ease of Use, and Security & Privacy. Visual Design has nine indicators, such as the accuracy of APPs’ title, the simplicity of APP, etc. Ease of Use has nineteen indicators, such as the response time less than three seconds, the simplicity of APPs’ functions, etc. Security & Privacy has four indicators, such as the authority of being acceptable, proper personal informations, etc. The Citizen Participation & Service Quality has four sub-dimensions, including the Contents’ Quality of Interactions, Usability, Responsiveness, and Efficacy. The Contents’ Quality of Interactions has four indicators, such as the sufficiency of governments’ reply, the accuracy of governments’ reply, etc. Usability has three indicators, such as relative to APPs’ deal of speed than counters, 1999, and the mayor's email-boxes, applying for accounts directly in APP, etc. Responsiveness has six indicators, such as immediately response, courteous reply, etc. Efficacy has three indicators, such as understanding of the petition, customize services, etc. To sum up, indicators of government APPs have two dimensiosns, seven sub-dimensiosns and forty eight indicators. Base on those indicators, and this research further categorizes them into ‘must have’ and ‘good to have’. This framework of indicators is expected not only becoming the reference for government organizations creating APPs in the future but also improving service quality of APPs nowadays. Moreover, it is important that having to strengthen APP’s security and privacy, then governments could open data from citizen complaints and use them to create new value. Future research could explore the disability and security aspects of indicators. Moreover, future research could consider operationalize a part of indicators, and then adopt Delphi and AHP to measure robustly the consistency and weighting of indicators. Finally, the author expects the follow-up studies could conduct questionnaires to realize the fitness for indicators and condition of APP’s development.

數位時代下，政府機關致力推動電子化政策，希望藉由資訊通訊科技(ICTs)的協助提供民眾更好的服務；立法院推動的「數位國會發展規劃案」，如同行政機關「電子化政府」，透過建設網站系統架構，提供完善的議事資訊並將議案資料公開化，創造我國邁向電子民主的有利條件。從文獻和世界民主國會的經驗觀察，數位化具有促進民主發展的潛能，但如何有效應用則是必須思考的課題。據此，本文以電子民主應具備的資訊公開、公眾接觸、公民參與、提升服務效率及效能等各項指標，檢視立法院網站系統在功能設計與應用上的優點與不足。研究架構以網站系統中具有電子民主指標的系統為核心，瞭解立法院對於應用網站與公民互動的構想及規劃，以及現行政策之成果。 研究執行採取網站內容分析法和個別深度訪談法，以議案設定為導向，挑選立法院審議中最受關注的議案為例，尋找與議案相關之公民團體代表為標的，瞭解公民對國會電子民主的看法；並如何透過網站資源，獲取所關注議案的資訊；而立法委員應用ICTs與民眾互動的態度和做法，更是國會數位化之後，影響電子民主發展方向的關鍵因素。 實證結果發現，立法院網站系統當前所提供的議事資訊及議案資料等內容可謂完整且豐富；然而，公民角色的使用人數稀少且使用頻率偏低，立委方面也不常應用做為與民眾互動或提供服務之管道，意謂其功能並未彰顯，應用效果遠不及時下熱門社群網站。究其原因：一、立法院網站資訊雖充足，但部分介面設計過於繁複，應簡化操作或提供指導；二、立法院網站公開的資訊，未符合多數使用者需求；公民團體另以私人管道獲得所需資訊，但一般公民卻無法取得，因而產生資訊落差；三、網站系統缺乏有效宣傳，應擴展民眾知悉程度、提高使用意願和培養使用習慣。 本文結論建議：一、立法院網站是具備發展電子民主潛能的理想雲端空間，擁有豐沛的議事資料可供運用，應持續加以耕耘，建立有特色的網站系統，讓民眾更親近、瞭解立法院；二、資訊處須妥善管理網站系統，培養公民民主素養教育，促進理性對話空間；三、秉持更開放的態度落實公民參與訴求，結合官方與民間力量，推廣國會數位資源，使其效用極大化，朝向全面性、深入性的電子民主為未來發展目標。 / In the digital era, the Taiwanese governments have been advocating its paperless government initiatives by adopting Information Communication Technologies (ICTs) to provide better services to the public. The Legislative Yuan is also carrying out the Digital Parliament Development Program, similar with the Paperless Government initiatives, which aims to foster e-democracy in Taiwan by offering comprehensive information of congressional schemes through a strong back-end IT platform. The previous literatures as well as successful applications from other democratic countries have indicated that paperless government can potentially accelerate democracy development; however, how to apply effectively is a practical issue to pay attention to. Thus, this study attempted to utilize the e-democracy index such as openness, citizen interaction, citizen participation, efficiency and effectiveness of services, to assess the functionality of the Legislative Yuan website and to compare with other similar government websites. The methodologies of the current study were content analysis and individual in-depth interview. Several bills under the legislative review process were selected and some follow-up interviews with key interest group representatives who are familiar with the aforementioned issues were conducted to collect their insights on congressional e-democracy and how they acquire relevant information from the Legislative Yuan website. Moreover, the use of ICTs for interaction with citizens among the Legislators is also a key factor impacting of e-democracy. Based on the research results, information and document offered by the Legislative website are completed and abundant. Nevertheless, there is less number of users whose identification is general citizen, and the using frequency is still low. Besides, the Legislators seldom use the website as a tool to interact with citizens. It means that the Legislative website functions are yet to be revealed and the effects are inferior to those community websites. The reasons may include: (1) The interface design of the website remains complicated for citizens to use. The officials must simplify operation and offer instructions; (2) The website cannot meet the need of citizen groups, who acquire information by private access, not by the website. But individual citizens could not utilize the same access. This situation would cause information gap; (3) The officials should propagate the Legislative website to the public and promote its popularity and utilization. According to the previous findings, three points are suggested. Firstly, the website of Legislative Yuan is a potentially wonderful cyberspace for e-democracy which should be maintained to attract the citizens closer to realize e-parliament. Secondly, the Legislative Yuan should properly manage its website, cultivate the citizens’ democratic literacy and engage them to rational dialogue. Thirdly, the public officials should keep an more open attitude, combine those diverse powers around the Parliament to get itself ready heading towards e-democracy.

在資訊化與全球化的浪潮之下，政府間的政策趨同（policy convergence）現象，在學術界或是實務界都已有頗多討論。理論上，此議題是比較公共政策的延伸，與政策學習、政策擴散等概念有密不可分的關係；實務上，更是政策過程重要的假定基礎，唯目前學界對於趨同現象的發展仍有許多爭議。本論文主要目的是以政府業務電子化發展為個案，回應資訊化與全球化將提升國家間政策趨同可能性的觀點；並進一步透過個案分析，建構影響政府電子化發展的解釋模型。研究提問首先是政府業務電子化的全球發展，是否產生同型化主義、科技決定論所預測的政策趨同現象？其次是什麼因素影響電子化政府與電子民主參與的發展？為了回答以上研究提問，本論文分析聯合國2003-2005年，以及布朗大學2003-2008年的電子化政府成效調查資料。 研究結果顯示，即使多數文獻認為電子化已成為全球的發展趨勢，並且建構出許多發展階段模型，但資料顯示，全球電子化政府與電子民主參與發展，呈現出「國家間彼此差異擴大，只有部分國家持續往政策理想點移動」的現象。以政策趨同的概念來說，電子化發展成效沒有σ或δ型態的趨同；此外，在發展路徑上，電子化的發展類型沒有一定的規則可循，有些國家先著重線上交易互動，有些先著重電子民主參與，發展路徑多元。此外，透過2003-2005年度的定群資料分析，與2005年資料的分量迴歸分析，包含網路應用程度、全球化程度、人力資本指數、自由程度、相鄰國家發展程度、國民生產毛額..等，都與電子化成效有正向的顯著關係。網路應用程度越高電子化政府發展越好，在專制獨裁型國家的影響效果高於總統制國家；全球化程度越高電子化發展越好，尤其在剛開始發展電子化的國家中。電子化民主參與方面，自由程度是電子化民主參與能否從低階發展到進階的重要因素；網路應用程度與人力資本指數，對高度電子民主參與發展的國家而言是重要的影響因素；相鄰國家的成績越好，發展電子化的動機越強，且影響力量隨著電子化發展成效的上升而加強；最後，經濟條件所產生的影響集中在那些剛開始發展電子化的國家中。在方案的選擇上，影響國家是否優先發展電子民主參與的因素來自於內外在的需求，全球化的程度越高，「電子化政府」就越不可能被忽略，議會制是最不可能優先發展電子民主參與的政體。 本論文基於政策趨同並未發生在電子化個案中的研究發現，主張即使在全球化的架構下，政策趨同的思維有重新界定與分析的必要。在實務上，本論文建議各國政府放棄追求一體適用的全球性架構，停止國際名次的追求，建構以地方為中心、使用者為導向的電子化措施。整體而言，本論文的貢獻為全球化與資訊化環境底下的政策發展理論，提供了新的實證資料與解釋，也對長期以來科技決定論與社會科技主義兩者平衡提供了一個穩固的基礎。 / Both e-government and e-participation have been recognized as worldwide trends. Many studies offer e-government development models that are based on intellectual speculation rather than data from empirical observation. This research argues that both e-government and e-participation are not only incorrectly dominated by technology determinism, but also misuse the global policy convergence assumption. Although the cross-national policy convergence is an established issue in comparative research, its academic popularity has not resulted in a general consensus. Whether societies become more and more alike, implement similar policies, or pursue the same policy goal is still an unanswered question. By analyzing the United Nation's 2003-2005 e-government index and Brown University's 2003-2008 e-government survey data, this paper aims to achieve two goals: the first is to analyze the development path of global e-government and e-participation, and to answer the question whether global e-government and e-participation performance have converged on the ideal policy point; the second is to construct e-government and e-participation performance models for different types of regimes. The findings show that there is no sigma convergence which means the difference of performances among countries is decreasing over time, and there is also no delta convergence which means all counties are pursing the same ideal point. Regarding the development path, only a few counties converge on (abide by) the theoretical speculation. The findings of the second research question show that the competition pressure from the neighboring countries, the degree of globalization, human capital index, freedom index, the percentage of internet users, and GDP all have positive associations with e-government and e-participation performance. It is also interesting to note that there are some important differences noticed in the different stages of the conditional distribution of e-government and e-participation. While the effect of competition pressure is not significant for all countries, the results show that it is significant for countries classified as highly developed. The freedom degree has a positive significant effect on countries that have developed higher e-participation and shows no association with countries that are less developed in the area of e-participation. The competition pressure has a higher effect on a presidential system than a parliamentary system and the degree of globalization produce higher pressure on a parliamentary system than on a presidential system. A key factor for the early development of e-participation is citizen needs, but for the further maintenance of e-participation, this factor must be coupled with the degree of societal freedom. In conclusion, this research argues that both e-government and e-participation development do not have a generally agreed upon global framework. Taiwan should focus on local citizens needs; give up the pursuit of the title of world leader; and rebuild the e- policy vision.