Yes / This report on Chechnya is one of 13 case studies (all of the case studies are available at www.bradford.ac.uk/cics). This research draws upon secondary data sources including existing research studies, reports and evaluations. The analysis and opinions expressed in this report are those of the author and do not necessarily represent the views or policy of DFID or the UK government.

Yes / This report on El Salvador is one of 13 case studies (all of the case studies can be found at www.bradford.ac.uk/cics). This research draws upon secondary data sources including existing research studies, reports and evaluations commissioned by operational agencies, and early warning and survey data where this has been available. These secondary sources have been complemented by interviews with government officers, aid policymakers and practitioners, researchers and members of the local population. The analysis and opinions expressed in this report are those of the author and do not necessarily represent the views or policy of DFID or the UK government.

Yes / This mini report on Northeast India is one of 13 case studies (all of the case studies are available at www.bradford.ac.uk/cics). This research draws upon secondary data sources including existing research studies, reports and evaluations. As DFID does not have any direct development engagement in Northeast India, this report does give any direct programming or policy recommendations. However, it does highlight key issues which need to be addressed for armed violence to be reduced in the region. The authors would like to thank David Seddon for comments made on an earlier draft. The analysis and opinions expressed in this report are those of the authors and do not necessarily represent the views or policy of DFID or the UK government.

Yes / This report on Nairobi is one of 13 case studies (all of the case studies are available at www.bradford.ac.uk/cics). This research draws upon secondary data sources including existing research studies, reports and evaluations. The analysis and opinions expressed in this report are those of the authors and do not necessarily represent the views or policy of DFID or the UK government.

Yes / This report on Northern Kenya is one of 13 case studies (all of which can be found at www.bradford.ac.uk/cics). This research draws upon secondary data sources including existing research studies, reports and evaluations commissioned by operational agencies, and early warning and survey data where this has been available. These secondary sources have been complemented by interviews with government officers, aid policymakers and practitioners, researchers and members of the local population. The authors would like to thank Patta Scott-Villiers for comments on an earlier draft. The analysis and opinions expressed in this report are those of the authors and do not necessarily represent the views or policy of DFID or the UK government.

The United States Navy possesses a preeminent peacetime role in U.S. national security: “naval forward presence,” or the maintenance of combat-credible naval forces worldwide to deter adversaries, reassure allies, respond to crises, and perform constabulary functions for the global commons. To many, naval forward presence is nearly-synonymous with American grand strategy.But since the post-Cold War defense drawdown, forward presence has constrained the Navy’s efforts to prepare for great power war. To support forward presence, the Navy has organized its force structure around fixed-wing-capable platforms and their supporting multi-mission combatant warships. The politics and spiraling costs of building such ships have stymied efforts to expand the fleet. Presence also requires that the surface navy remain continually visible and busy. Too few ships thus face too many demands. The resultant operational tempo overwhelms maintenance and training cycles, and grinds away at the economic viability of American shipyards. In this way, naval forward presence consumes the Navy’s structural readiness, or its capacity to engage in severe and sustained combat with a peer competitor, such as the People’s Republic of China. And in so doing, presence consumes its own promises – deterrence and reassurance. Why, given its internal tensions, does naval forward presence remain a governing strategic concept for the U.S. Navy, even in the shadow of a major international threat? What lies behind the rhetorical consensus on the value of naval forward presence for U.S. national security? This dissertation takes a popular strategic concept to task, illuminating the ideas, politics, and organizational processes that sustain it, even as its costs and risks accumulate, and even as international conditions change. The inquiry comprises three parts: a history of presence and its implementation; a theoretical analysis of presence through the lens of political science literature; and a case study of the reform agenda following the U.S. Navy’s surface ship accidents of 2017. I find that naval forward presence, as an idea, ran away from the Navy. Initially elevated to prominence for bureaucratic reasons, presence was sustained both by organizational processes outside the Navy’s control, and by policymakers’ belief in the very benefits the Navy had claimed presence could deliver. Naval forward presence is rooted in deep-seated American foreign policy beliefs that cross ideological divides. The idea that the nation, and the world, cannot survive without a navy whose peacetime roles include deterring adversaries, preserving national credibility through crisis response, and policing the international system, is a uniquely American conceit. Ultimately, it also abuts against a physical reality: a navy tasked to do all these things, cannot do them all well. These findings have two implications. First, attempts to solve the trade-off between presence and structural readiness by building more ships are unlikely to succeed, as presence demands, sustained by the power of the idea and organizational processes resistant to change, will continue apace and even rise as the fleet grows. Second, the rise of populist nationalism may challenge consensus support for presence by calling alliance commitments into question. However, hyper-partisanship associated with this movement could doom efforts to restore Navy structural readiness regardless. Therefore, whether presence remains popular or not, presence must be substantially reduced to preserve the United States’ ability to deter, or if necessary, defeat China.

This thesis seeks to analyse military and civilian loss from violence during contemporary armed conflict in order to facilitate understanding of the evolution of war and its impact on human behaviour. It comprises four chapters; the first two concentrate on the 2033 Iraq War whilst the last two are focused upon global armed conflict during the recent past. Chapter 1 explores how and to what extent military deaths during the Iraq war affect US domestic opinion, proxied by various poll questions concerning war-related issues. Having addressed irregular frequencies of poll data that restrict time series application, this chapter renders a fresh perspective on casualty-opinion research, suggesting that cumulative military casualties prior to the poll did not have an immediate effect on the poll respondents' opinion regarding the continuation of military actions in Iraq, Instead, respondents are influenced by marginal casualty information from the previous time period, implying a slow adjustment in forming opinion through the Error Correction Mechanism (ECM). Chapter 2 presents a comparative analysis to gauge any different standards between the US department of Defense and the media in counting violent civilian deaths during the Iraq war. In spite of substantial discrepancies during the initial period of the war, non-parametric tests corroborate that the US military authority and media reports had a non-differential approach towards counting violent civilian deaths during the war period across the spatial and spatiotemporal dimensions. However, the conspicuously conservative count by the US military authority during the initial stage of the war may have hindered the US forces' ability to predict and prepare for the subsequent escalation of violence that brought about large-scale human loss as well as the prolongation of the war which lasted more than 7 years. Chapter 3 analyses to what extent warring actors intentionally used lethal force against civilians, through the employment of a Civilian Targeting Index (CTI), a newly invented measure to indicate the intensity of civilian targeting for each actor. Building upon Chapter 3, Chapter 4 further examines factors that lead to warring actors targeting civilians as opposed to engaging in battle with war combatants. A dynamic panel approach shows that an increase in the degree of civilian targeting in the previous year further intensified civilian targeting in the current year for the actors involved in prolonged armed conflict.

Esta tesis propone desarrollar un análisis de la forma cómo los diarios El Comercio y La República han denominado al Conflicto Armado Interno peruano en dos casos específicos. Es importante precisar, en primer lugar, que la elección de ambos diarios para el futuro análisis, se llevó a cabo debido a que tanto El Comercio como La República han sido diarios peruanos que aún mantienen circulación nacional y han seguido existiendo más allá del desarrollo del proceso de violencia. Esta particularidad no se ha visto en otros diarios, dado que algunos desaparecieron durante o antes del conflicto y, también, otros fueron creados después del conflicto. El primer caso a revisar es la entrega y publicación del Informe Final de la Comisión de la Verdad y Reconciliación (CVR) en el año 2003. El segundo caso es el segundo aniversario de la entrega del Informe Final de la CVR y la creación, por consiguiente, del monumento del “Ojo que Llora” en el año 2005. Estos dos casos presentan una vinculación con la necesidad de conocer la verdad y elaborar un acercamiento con la reconciliación y la memoria de una sociedad posconflicto como la peruana. / This thesis proposes to develop an analysis of how the newspapers El Comercio and La República have called the Peruvian Internal Armed Conflict in two specific cases. It is important to specify, in the first place, that the election of both newspapers for the future analysis was carried out because both El Comercio and La República have been peruvian newspapers that still maintain national circulation and have continued to exist beyond the development of the violence process. This feature has not been seen in other newspapers, since some disappeared during or before the conflict and, also, others were created after the conflict. The first case to review is the delivery and publication of the Final Report of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (CVR) in 2003. The second case is the second anniversary of the delivery of the Final Report of the CVR and the creation, by therefore, the monument of the "Eye that Cries" in the year 2005. These two cases present a link with the need to know the truth and develop an approach to reconciliation and memory of a post-conflict society such as Peru. / Tesis

No description available.

Introduction. Despite increased metabolic demands, infantry soldiers are known to not eat enough during military manoeuvres. We undertook this study to examine food provided and consumed by male soldiers in the Canadian Forces in operational environments to examine and potentially improve their nutrition. / Methods. Subjects recorded their food intakes using dietary questionnaires during two exercises. The adequacy of dietary intake and the nutrient value of foods offered were assessed against Dietary Reference Intakes (DRI). / Results. Soldiers did not consume enough energy, carbohydrate, fibre, folate, vitamin C, potassium and calcium compared to operational requirements. The combat rations provided less than the recommended DRI for some nutrients. Food sources of nutrients were examined. / Discussion. We recommend increasing the quantity of easy-to-eat nutrient-dense foods while decreasing sodium content. To optimize nutrition and combat readiness, new products rich in carbohydrate, potassium, folate and calcium need to be added.