Esta tesis propone desarrollar un análisis de la forma cómo los diarios El Comercio y La República han denominado al Conflicto Armado Interno peruano en dos casos específicos. Es importante precisar, en primer lugar, que la elección de ambos diarios para el futuro análisis, se llevó a cabo debido a que tanto El Comercio como La República han sido diarios peruanos que aún mantienen circulación nacional y han seguido existiendo más allá del desarrollo del proceso de violencia. Esta particularidad no se ha visto en otros diarios, dado que algunos desaparecieron durante o antes del conflicto y, también, otros fueron creados después del conflicto. El primer caso a revisar es la entrega y publicación del Informe Final de la Comisión de la Verdad y Reconciliación (CVR) en el año 2003. El segundo caso es el segundo aniversario de la entrega del Informe Final de la CVR y la creación, por consiguiente, del monumento del “Ojo que Llora” en el año 2005. Estos dos casos presentan una vinculación con la necesidad de conocer la verdad y elaborar un acercamiento con la reconciliación y la memoria de una sociedad posconflicto como la peruana. / This thesis proposes to develop an analysis of how the newspapers El Comercio and La República have called the Peruvian Internal Armed Conflict in two specific cases. It is important to specify, in the first place, that the election of both newspapers for the future analysis was carried out because both El Comercio and La República have been peruvian newspapers that still maintain national circulation and have continued to exist beyond the development of the violence process. This feature has not been seen in other newspapers, since some disappeared during or before the conflict and, also, others were created after the conflict. The first case to review is the delivery and publication of the Final Report of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (CVR) in 2003. The second case is the second anniversary of the delivery of the Final Report of the CVR and the creation, by therefore, the monument of the "Eye that Cries" in the year 2005. These two cases present a link with the need to know the truth and develop an approach to reconciliation and memory of a post-conflict society such as Peru. / Tesis

Durante las elecciones presidenciales del 2011 y 2016, muchos medios de comunicación tuvieron un tono más negativo que positivo o neutral en sus coberturas sobre determinados candidatos. Estos fueron los casos de los diarios La República y Correo sobre los candidatos presidenciales Keiko Fujimori de Fuerza Popular, Ollanta Humala del Partido Nacionalista Peruano y Verónika Mendoza del Frente Amplio. Partiendo del hecho de que sí existió una cobertura negativa por parte de los medios ya mencionados, la presente investigación pretende describir las características principales de este tipo de tratamiento periodístico, identificar los criterios de cada diario para la publicación de notas en contra de los candidatos y examinar las diferencias y similitudes entre ambas coberturas. / During the 2011 and 2016 presidential elections, most media outlets were more negative than positive or neutral in their coverage of certain candidates. These were the cases of the newspapers La República and Correo when it came to the presidential candidates Keiko Fujimori of Fuerza Popular, Ollanta Humala of the Partido Nacionalista Peruano and Verónika Mendoza of Frente Amplio. Based on the fact that there was negative coverage by the mentioned newspapers, this research aims to describe the main characteristics of this type of journalistic treatment, identify the criteria of each newspaper when they published articles against the candidates and examine the differences and similarities between both coverages. / Tesis

Em junho de 2013, na cidade de São Paulo-SP, surgiram as manifestações populares inicialmente contrárias ao aumento das tarifas de transporte público. Esse acontecimento foi nomeado de Jornadas de Junho. Em março de 2015, outra mobilização popular também foi iniciada nas ruas da capital paulista, buscando novos rumos políticos para a nação brasileira. Esse outro levante popular foi intitulado Protestos de Março. Essas duas manifestações de rua são entendidas como fenômenos discursivos; e, a partir delas, não pretendemos analisar as agendas políticas, sociais ou históricas que cada um dos fenômenos selecionados colocou em xeque. O interesse deste estudo é pela construção semiótica do ator coletivo; e analisamos, para tanto, como a imprensa brasileira (re)criou e recortou os acontecimentos que envolvem o ator manifestante de rua, contemplado midiaticamente ao longo das duas mobilizações supracitadas. É objetivo geral deste estudo a formalização do conceito de ator coletivo como uma grandeza sensível e inteligível no quadro teórico da semiótica francesa. Selecionamos a figura do manifestante de rua porque ela participa ativamente na construção do sentido das mobilizações populares, tais como arquitetadas midiaticamente. O ator manifestante, apresentado em sua relação com a doxa vigente, passa a ser apreciado e apoiado, ou repudiado e depreciado massivamente. Como arcabouço teórico, adotamos uma perspectiva interdisciplinar que acolhe, de um lado, os pressupostos da semiótica discursiva e da tensiva (GREIMAS; COURTÉS, 2008; FONTANILLE; ZILBERBERG, 2001; ZILBERBERG, 2011), e de outro, os fundamentos do Círculo de Bakhtin (VOLÓCHINOV, 1976; MEDVIÉDEV, 2012; BAKHTIN, 2010a; 2016) respeitando as diferenças epistemológicas de cada quadro teórico. Selecionamos dois corpora que compõem semioticamente os eventos referidos. Constituem esses corpora: dois artigos de opinião, oito reportagens, dez editoriais e dez postagens retiradas da rede social digital Facebook. Os enunciadores desses textos são representantes da grande mídia, os jornais impressos O Estado de São Paulo (Estado) e Folha de São Paulo (Folha), e também da mídia considerada alternativa, a Mídia Narrativas Independentes, Jornalismo e Ação (Mídia Ninja). O material foi coletado durante a ocorrência dessas manifestações de rua, isto é, especificamente nos meses de junho de 2013 e março de 2015. A análise semiótica demonstrou que existem dois perfis do ator coletivo manifestante de rua: o personalizado e o generalizado. Constata-se, por meio da recorrência que sustenta esses dois perfis, que o ator coletivo manifestante de rua se constitui como um esquema actorial que reflete e refrata os usos semióticos. Esta tese, atenta à interdisciplinaridade favorecida pela própria semiótica, acolhida como pilar de nosso pensamento teórico, ao trazer à luz a rede conceitual implícita aos trabalhos do Círculo de Bakhtin, problematiza o manifestante de rua como simulacro discursivo. Compreendido não somente como um efeito de sentido produzido pelos níveis da geração do sentido, em que aparece como actante do enunciado, o ator, como simulacro criado midiaticamente, emerge dos próprios textos analisados como um sujeito afetivo e, concomitantemente, sujeito afetado pela estesia e pela ética constitutivas dos acontecimentos do mundo. / In June 2013, a series of popular demonstrations in the Brazilian city of São Paulo were organized against the increase in public transportation fares. This event was called June Journeys. In March 2015, began another popular mobilization on the streets of the city of São Paulo, seeking new political directions for the Brazilian nation. This popular uprising titled March Protests. These two demonstrations are understood as discursive phenomena and, from them, we do not intend to analyze the political, social, or historical agendas that each of the selected phenomena problematized. The interest of this study is for the semiotic construction of the collective actor; and we analyze, for this, how the Brazilian press (re)created and cut the events that involve the demonstrator actor, considered mediatically throughout the two mobilizations mentioned above. It\'s the general objective of this study to formalize and unfold the concept of collective actor as a sensible and intelligible greatness within the theoretical framework of French semiotics. We select the figure of the \"demonstrator\" because he participates actively in building the sense of popular mobilizations, such as mediatically architected. The demonstrator actor, presented in his relation to the current doxa, can be appreciated and supported, or repudiated and massively depreciated. As theoretical framework, we adopt an interdisciplinary perspective that welcomes, on one hand, the presuppositions of discursive and tensive semiotics (GREIMAS; COURTÉS, 2008; FONTANILLE; ZILBERBERG, 2001; ZILBERBERG, 2011) and, on the other, the Bakhtins Circle (VOLÓCHINOV, 1976; MEDVIÉDEV, 2012; BAKHTIN, 2010a; 2016) respecting the epistemological differences of each theoretical framework. We select two corpora that semiotically make up the referred events. These corpora consist of two opinion articles, eight reports, ten editorials and ten posts taken from the digital social network Facebook. The enunciators of these corpora are representatives of the mainstream media, the printed newspapers O Estado de São Paulo (Estado) and Folha de São Paulo (Folha), and the media considered alternative, Mídia Narrativas Independentes, Jornalismo e Ação (Mídia Ninja). The material was collected during the occurrence of these demonstrations, i.e., specifically in the months of June 2013 and March 2015. The semiotic analysis demonstrated that there are two profiles of the demonstrator collective actor: the personalized and the generalized. It can be seen, through the recurrence that supports these two profiles, that the demonstrator collective actor is constituted as an actorial scheme that reflects and refracts the semiotic uses. This work, which is attentive to the interdisciplinarity favored by the own semiotics, accepted as pillar of our theoretical thought, in bringing to light the implicit conceptual network to the works of the Bakhtins Circle, problematizes the \"demonstrator\" as a discursive simulacrum. Comprehending not only as an effect of sense produced by the levels of the generation of meaning, in which it appears as actant of the utterance, the actor, as a created mediatic simulacrum, emerges from the analyzed texts as an affective subject and, at the same time, affected subject by aesthetics and by ethics, that are constitutive of the events of world.

D’où vient « le mur dans les têtes » des Allemands en 1989 ? Que signifient les stéréotypes Besserwessi / Jammerossi ? Quelles sont les représentations et les identités en R.D.A. et en R.F.A. ? Existe-t-il deux identités allemandes différentes ? Avec un corpus de 312 exemplaires de Der Spiegel et de la Neue Berliner Illustrierte, cette thèse étudie la dimension sémantique des stéréotypes, elle analyse les représentations en R.F.A. et en R.D.A. et définit une double identité allemande. L’année 1989 provoque une crise identitaire et langagière que nous étudions à l’aide de sondages, d’ouvrages, de caricatures et de journaux. La guerre froide, la manipulation du discours et un contexte économique déstabilisant font naître dès 1949 des stéréotypes qui s’intensifient en 1961 et s’accumulent en 1989. Ils se transforment du stéréotype de la revendication de représenter l’Allemagne dans son ensemble (1949) en celui de la grande famille socialiste (R.D.A.) et de la grande famille américaine (R.F.A.) en 1961 et en celui de la pérennité étatique (R.D.A.) et de la terra incognita (R.F.A.) en 1989. Les stéréotypes se diffusent avec des images et un vocabulaire de la consommation et de l’individualisme en R.F.A. et de la solidarité en R.D.A. L’identité est-allemande est une identité collective, solidaire et uniforme et l’identité ouest-allemande est une identité de plaisir, de liberté, d’esprit de compétitivité et d’individualisme. Avec une perspective de recherche pluridisciplinaire, comparative et transnationale, ce travail s’insère dans les champs des recherches historiques et linguistiques et s’appuie sur l’histoire comparée, l’analyse du discours et de l’image. L’enjeu identitaire est relié aux stéréotypes et aux représentations qui sont les faces visibles des stéréotypes. Cette thèse étudie aussi les lieux de mémoire textuels, culinaires, culturels, politiques et économiques est-allemands et ouest-allemands en se basant sur les travaux de Walter Lippmann, Ruth Amossy, Pierre Nora, Etienne François, Hagen Schulze, Pierre Moscovici, Christian Delporte, Dominique Maingueneau, Laurent Gervereau, Heinz Gerhard Haupt, Henri Ménudier, Sandrine Kott, Alain Lattard. C’est ce qui nous permet d’analyser les discours d’hommes politiques et de journalistes comme Helmut Kohl, Ludwig Erhard, Konrad Adenauer, Walter Ulbricht, Rudolf Augstein, Rudolf Hernnstadt et Lilly Becher. / What is the origin of the « wall in the minds » between East-germans and West-germans in 1989 ? What is the significance of the stereotypes Besserwessi / Jammerossi ? Do we have two german identities ? Based on a corpus of 312 exemplars of Der Spiegel and Neue Berliner Illustrierte, this thesis analyses the relationship between GDR and West Germany during the cold war. It presents the social representations and defines a double german identity. In 1989, we have a crisis in german language and identity illustrated by soundings, literature, caricatures and stereotypes. Cold war, political speech and destabilizing aspects of 1989 push up stereotypes since 1949. In 1961 they grow up and in 1989 they are on the top. They transform themselves from the stereotype of sole and exclusive representation (1949) to the stereotype of the big socialiste family (GDR) and the big west family (West Germany) in 1961 and to the stereotype of endurance (GDR) and terra incognita (West Germany) in 1989. Stereotypes circulate by language, various leitmotiv and a vocabulary of consumption and egoism in West Germany and solidarity in GDR. They are the sign of a temporarily double german identity. Absence of the same identity and language markers bring up gap between Ossis and Wessis. With a interdisciplinary and comparative approach, this thesis takes place in historic and language studies. The innovation is to connect the question of german identity with stereotypes and representations by defining representations as visible faces of stereotypes. This work studies german history, est-german and west-german memory in the second half of the 20th century with the autors and journalistes Walter Lippmann, Ruth Amossy, Pierre Nora, Etienne François, Hagen Schulze, Pierre Moscovici, Christian Delporte, Dominique Maingueneau, Laurent Gervereau, Heinz-Gerhard Haupt, Henri Ménudier, Sandrine Kott, Alain Lattard and Helmut Kohl, Ludwig Erhard, Konrad Adenauer, Walter Ulbricht, Rudolf Augstein, Rudolf Hernnstadt and Lilly Becher.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-12-08T16:59:58Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Yomara.pdf: 2724472 bytes, checksum: c3f7cdb91075b2fb5d606c3bfc82718d (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009-07-06 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / This paper intends to understand the discursive construction of the involved ones in crimes of, mainly, homicide, investigating which where the premises used in penal rights field regarding the homicidal subject. For such, I put to use legal proceedings such as sources, between the years of 1940 and 1964, at the county of Itajaí (SC). I place 24 defendants, men and only one woman as victim, among 22 victims, from 19 legal papers available at the judiciary power, from the Center of Documentation and Historical Memory of the Historical Archive of Itajaí. I observe the singularities identified in judiciary speeches when I analyse its multiple and even contradictory components brought by the agents. Newspaper information on these homicides also provided discursivities about the homicidals, where I point the polyphony of voices that are observed at the speeches. On the first chapter, I visualize the city and the rural environment of Itajaí (SC), starting from the locality of the homicides. I realize, coming from press and the judiciary, that the city s urbanity was in change, as well as its representations in delimitating spaces and/or when comparisons are set up between urban and rural, with prejudices printed over these speeches. Having the press, worked on the logics that all are modern and, therefore, using understandable adjectives, and naming as much the victims as defendants murderer, harmful element, rage of the aggressor and dangerous , convicting them for being involved in barbarian and mysterious crimes. However, when I analyze the premises of Legal Right I identify on the juridical speeches of the defendants their acquittals, for proceeding in the defense of their own lives, or others, at the same time, the invisibility of the victims and/or the visibility as guilties of their own acts . On the second chapter, I analyze the construction of the notion of a homicidal subject through the accusations organized by the prosecutor on legal proceedings and observe in which way the cases of homicidal criminalization were treated. For such, I visualize a profile of the victims and defendants, through the analysis of facts such as naturalness, residences, schooling, occupation, among others, indicating a modernization of the legal speech. On the third and last chapter, I stand out the distinct versions registered by the legal proceedings, when I perceive the battle that surrounds the defendants, the victims, and law operators. Still, I observe how these operators, in their practices of justice, used the premises of Law as suggested by jurist Nelson Hungria and the Brazilian Legal Code of 1940 (CPB) individualizing the defendants. This way, the results of legal proceedings could indicate as much dangerous individuals, combined with the innovative notion of the institute of periculosity , as acquit based o equal legal premises. With a conviction, among 19 legal proceedings, the discourse of the judiciary functions in the constructions of acquittals, as in arguments such as good friends , working men , defense of the family or the honor , when they denote part of the construction of masculinity and gender relations / Este trabalho procura compreender a construção discursiva sobre os envolvidos em crimes de homicídio, principalmente, investigar quais foram as premissas usadas no campo do direito penal em relação ao sujeito homicida. Para tanto, utilizo os processos penais como fontes, entre os anos de 1940 e 1964, na Comarca de Itajaí (SC). Localizo 24 acusados, homens, e apenas uma mulher como vítima, entre as 22 vítimas, dos 19 autos penais disponíveis do poder judiciário, no acervo do Centro de Documentação e Memória Histórica do Arquivo Histórico de Itajaí (SC). Observo as singularidades identificadas nos discursos do judiciário quando analiso os seus componentes múltiplos e até contraditórios , produzidos pelos agentes. As notícias dos jornais destes homicídios também forneceram discursividades sobre o sujeito homicida, no qual observo a polifonia de vozes que aparecem nesses discursos. No primeiro capítulo visualizo a cidade e o meio rural de Itajaí (SC), a partir dos lugares dos homicídios. Percebo, a partir da imprensa e do judiciário, que a urbanidade da cidade estava em mudança, bem como as suas representações em delimitar espaços, e/ou quando faz comparações entre o urbano e o rural, com preconceitos impressos nestes discursos. Tendo a imprensa operado na lógica de que todos são modernos, portanto, utilizando adjetivos entendíveis, nomearam tanto as vítimas quanto os acusados como assassino, mau elemento, fúria do agressor e perigoso , condenando-os por estarem envolvidos em crimes bárbaros e misteriosos . Porém, quando analiso as premissas do Direito Penal, encontro nos discursos jurídicos sobre os acusados suas absolvições, por agirem em defesa de suas próprias vidas ou de outrem, ao mesmo tempo, a invisibilidade das vítimas e/ou a visibilidade como culpadas por seus atos . No segundo capítulo analiso a construção da noção do sujeito homicida através das denúncias elaboradas pelo promotor nos autos, e observo como foram tratadas as criminalizações dos casos de homicídios. Para tanto, visualizo um perfil das vítimas e acusados através das análises de dados como a naturalidade, residências, escolaridade, profissão, entre outros, denotando a modernização no discurso jurídico. No terceiro e último capítulo destaco as diferentes versões registradas nos autos, quando percebo a batalha que envolve os acusados, as vítimas e operadores do direito. Ainda observo como estes operadores, nas suas práticas de justiça, utilizaram as premissas do Direito como sugeridas pelo jurista Nelson Hungria e o Código Penal Brasileiro de 1940 (CPB), individualizando os acusados. Desta forma, os resultados dos autos tanto podiam indicar indivíduos perigosos, aliados à noção inovadora do instituto de periculosidade , quanto absolver com base nas mesmas premissas jurídicas. Com uma condenação entre os 19 autos, o discurso do judiciário opera nas construções de absolvições, como nos argumentos de bons amigos , homens trabalhadores , defesa da família ou da honra , quando denotam parte da construção da masculinidade e das relações de gênero

El tratamiento informativo de los medios noticiosos en el Perú expresa cambios a raíz del fenómeno migratorio venezolano en el 2018. Por tal motivo, varias páginas destacaban que la xenofobia podría ser parte de esa alteración. Sobre ello, se pretende analizar los elementos de la xenofobia que estuvieron presentes en el discurso periodístico digital de los diarios Trome y Correo luego del incremento de la migración venezolana en los meses de enero a marzo y de junio a agosto de 2018. Al respecto, la xenofobia se relaciona con los elementos de la otredad, la identidad nacional, el nacionalismo y el etnocentrismo, que se manifiestan a través de estigmas. El objetivo es identificar los elementos que estuvieron presentes en los medios y por eso se escogieron notas que revelen estigmas, los cuales se componen con las variables de estudio: móvil de compasión, generalización, lexicalización negativa y señalización. Por tanto, se planteó un instrumento que reconoce las variables en el título, la bajada y el contenido. Se determina que los elementos de la xenofobia son la otredad, la identidad nacional reforzada en nacionalismo y el etnocentrismo, que trazan líneas simbólicas entre –los autóctonos y los inmigrantes– acentuando en la procedencia y denominaciones despectivas, y con un tono denunciante sobre sus acciones negativas. Se ocultó la participación de los peruanos en situaciones ilegales y se destacaron sus comportamientos “correctos”, para mostrarlos como vulnerables y posicionar a los migrantes como ingratos e iniciadores de las problemáticas, lo que revela la exclusión, rechazo e intolerancia. / The information treatment of the news media in Peru expresses changes due to the Venezuelan migratory phenomenon in 2018. For that reason, several pages highlighted that xenophobia could be part of that alteration. On this matter, the intention is to analyze the elements of xenophobia that were present in the digital journalistic discourse of the newspapers Trome and Correo after the increase of the Venezuelan migration in the months of January to March and June to August 2018. In this regard, xenophobia is related to the elements of otherness, national identity, nationalism and ethnocentrism, which are manifested through stigmas. The objective is to identify the elements that were present in the media and therefore notes were chosen that reveal stigmas, which are composed with the study variables: compassionate motive, generalization, negative lexicalization and signaling. Therefore, an instrument was proposed that recognizes the variables in the title, the lead and the content. It is determined that the elements of xenophobia are otherness, national identity reinforced in nationalism and ethnocentrism, which draw symbolic lines between -the natives and the immigrants- emphasizing in the origin and derogatory denominations, and with a denouncing tone on their negative actions. The participation of Peruvians in illegal situations was concealed and their "correct" behavior was highlighted, to show them as vulnerable and to position migrants as ungrateful and initiators of the problems, revealing exclusion, rejection and intolerance. / Tesis

Este trabajo de investigación examina la formación de versiones discordantes en los diarios El Comercio y La República durante la cobertura que realizaron ambos medios de comunicación para informar lo relacionado al conflicto social suscitado por el proyecto Tía María, del 5 al 10 de agosto de 2019. Utilizando este marco de tiempo, se explora y compara los criterios de abordaje de los hechos a los que recurrieron ambos enunciadores para construir sus relatos informativos.  La investigación, por lo tanto, explora las distintas ventajas y limitaciones que tiene la utilización de diversos criterios, tales como el lenguaje, el manejo de fuentes, la elección de ángulos de abordaje, la formación de personajes y la colocación de fotografías, y encuentra que se forjan distintas versiones en cuanto al accionar de los protagonistas de la noticia y su participación en el conflicto. Asimismo, se determina que comprender las discordancias en las coberturas informativas es de suma relevancia en periodos de conflicto social, donde las disonancias formadas por las versiones de cada enunciador se asocian con el quiebre del tratamiento de la información. / This investigation examines the formation of discordant versions in the newspapers El Comercio and La República during the coverage carried out by both media to report on the social conflict raised by the Tía María project, from August 5 to 10, 2019. Using this time frame, the criteria for approaching the facts that both enunciators used to construct their informative stories are explored and compared. The research, therefore, explores the different advantages and limitations of the use of various criteria, such as language, handling of information sources, choice of approach angles, character formation and placement of photographs, and finds that different versions are forged regarding the actions of the protagonists of the news and their participation in the conflict. Likewise, it is determined that understanding the disagreements in the news coverage is of utmost relevance in periods of social conflict, where the dissonances formed by the versions of each enunciator are associated with the breakdown of the information processing. / Tesis

El objetivo de esta investigación es comprender cómo el ámbito televisivo desarrolla la cobertura periodística en relación a los hechos de desacato a las normas durante el Estado de Emergencia en Lima en el presente año. Los conceptos principales de esta investigación están basados en tres rubros de estudio: Lenguaje periodístico, estudios del contenido audiovisual y estudios sociológicos. Al manejar estos tres rubros de estudio y relacionarlos entre sí para hallar la forma en cómo la televisión emite sus mensajes. Metodológicamente hablando, la investigación será un estudio cualitativo basado en notas y reportajes y como unidad de análisis se va a recurrir a entrevistas a científicos sociales y periodistas involucrados en la cobertura de estos hechos noticiosos sobre desacato a las normas en el Estado de Emergencia en Lima en el año 2020. / The objective of this research is to understand how the television field manages to develop of journalistic coverage in relation to the acts of contempt for the norms during the State of Emergency in Lima this year. The main concepts of this research are based on three major fields of study: journalistic language, audiovisual content studies and sociological studies. When handling these three great fields of study and relating them to each other to find the way in which television broadcasts its messages, a very rigorous and detailed investigation in this aspect is suggested. Methodologically speaking, the investigation will be analytical (based on interviews with journalists and scientists ) and as a unit of analysis, television journalistic material (reports, reports and program notes) will be used where the facts of contempt of the rules in the State of Emergency in Lima in 2020. / Trabajo de investigación

Este estudio tuvo como finalidad analizar las características discursivas de la cobertura periodística de “Día D” y “Cuarto poder” sobre la migración venezolana en el Perú durante el período de enero 2018 a marzo 2020. Desarrollada bajo enfoque cualitativo, diseño no experimental, nivel descriptivo – comparativo. El universo lo constituyó la cantidad de programas donde “Cuarto poder” y “Día D” abordaron el tema de la migración venezolana. La población estuvo constituida por 18 programas y la muestra, fue de ocho reportajes. Las técnicas empleadas fueron la observación y el análisis de contenido. El instrumento aplicado fue la matriz de contenido. Los hallazgos permitieron determinar que “Cuarto poder” y “Día D” incurren reiteradamente en reportajes que ideologizan la muerte y que permiten que exista una construcción del otro estigmatizada y fundamentada en el temor, el estereotipo y rituales que marcan a los ciudadanos que perciben este tipo de noticias. / The purpose of this study was to analyze the discursive characteristics of the journalistic coverage of "Día D" and "Cuarto Poder" on Venezuelan migration in Peru during the period from January 2018 to March 2020. Developed under a qualitative approach, non-experimental design, level descriptive - comparative. The universe is shown by the number of programs where "Cuarto Poder" and "Día D" addressed the issue of Venezuelan migration. The population consisted of 18 programs and the sample consisted of eight reports. The techniques used were observation and content analysis. The instrument applied was the content matrix. The findings made it possible to determine that "Cuarto Poder" and "Día D" repeatedly incur in reports that ideologize death and that allow for a stigmatized construction of the other based on fear, stereotype and rituals that mark the citizens who perceive this kind of news. / Tesis

La televisión permitió la evolución de la prensa escrita gracias a su tecnología y capacidad de alcance en la esfera pública, por ello, los noticieros televisivos surgieron con la diferencia de contar con características audiovisuales. Estos resultan ser un reflejo de la realidad de sus espectadores. Razón por la cual fue evidente el impacto coyuntural del primer pedido de prisión preventiva contra Keiko Fujimori en el 2018, que se explica desde la teoría de la agenda setting, la cual señala el poder de los medios de comunicación en las masas ya que depende de ellos la relevancia que se le den a ciertas noticias. Además, éstas están compuestas por discursos periodísticos televisivos que transmiten mensajes desde lo textual y audiovisual. Por eso mismo, se decidió analizar el discurso periodístico de ATV Noticias Edición Matinal y 90 Matinal durante la cobertura del primer pedido de prisión preventiva contra Keiko Fujimori, puesto que ambos mantuvieron en su agenda el tema durante varios días. Para la muestra se seleccionaron los programas más resaltantes transmitidos entre el 19 de octubre y 2 de noviembre del 2018. Así pues, es preciso detallar que se ha estimado una metodología de tipo aplicada con un enfoque cualitativo, porque se estudiará una realidad y el sentido del objeto de estudio, respectivamente. El nivel es descriptivo-explicativo y el diseño no experimental, puesto que no se van a manipular los hechos. / Television allowed the evolution of the written press thanks to its technology and capacity to reach the public sphere, therefore, television news programs emerged with the difference of having audiovisual characteristics. These turn out to be a reflection of the reality of your viewers. Reason for which the conjunctural impact of the first request for preventive detention against Keiko Fujimori in 2018 was evident, which is explained from the agenda setting theory, which indicates the power of the media in the masses since it depends on them the relevance given to certain news. In addition, these are composed of television journalistic speeches that transmit messages from the textual and audiovisual. For this reason, it was decided to analyze the journalistic speech of ATV News Matinal Edition and 90 Matinal during the coverage of the first request for preventive detention against Keiko Fujimori, since both kept the issue on their agenda for several days. For the sample, the most outstanding programs transmitted between October 19 and November 2, 2018 were selected. Thus, it is necessary to detail that a methodology of type applied with a qualitative approach has been estimated, because a reality and the meaning of the object of study, respectively. The level is descriptive-explanatory and the design is non- experimental, since the facts will not be manipulated / Tesis