This thesis challenges the traditional interpretation of the history of Populism in America through the use of an intensive regional study. Using precinct-level returns, this thesis proves that, contrary to the conclusions of more general studies, voters from predominately Populist areas in North Texas did not support the poll tax amendment that passed in November 1902. The Populists within this region demonstrated their frustration and distrust of the political process by leaving the polls in higher percentages than other voters between 1896 and 1902. The Populists that did participate in 1902 reentered the Democratic Party but did not support the poll tax, which was a major plank within the Democratic platform. This thesis also proves that the poll tax had a significant effect in reducing the electorate in North Texas.

Typescript (photocopy). / Digitized by Kansas State University Libraries

Call number: LD2668 .T4 1933 S75

This thesis is an examination of the main tendencies in the trade union movement in South Africa during the currency of the Industrial Cenci 1 iation Act from 1924 to 1979, and of state labour policy of direct relevance to worker organisation. It considers in particular the reasons for the predominance of protectionist strategies, frequently amounting to racial monopolies and exclusion, among the unions catering for white artisan and production workers. Attention is given to the deployment of legislative and other policy instruments by the South African state intent on providing support for the prevailing protectionist demands and the exclusionary stance of large sections of the trade union movement. In analysing these developments, reference is made to the history of the trade union federations reflecting the divergent interests of different sections of the South African labour movement during this period. The evolution of trade unions for the workers occupying a subordinate role in the South African "racial order" is also traced. Consideration is given to the barriers to the full development of such trade unions, and to the incipient decline of the era of racial exclusion which the 1970s witnessed. / Sociology / D. Litt. et Phil. (Sociology)

No description available.

The purpose of this thesis is to analyse the relation between the traditional Socialist principles of foreign policy developed by the Labour Party before 1945 and the principles actually employed by the Labour Government from 1945-51, and to consider how members of the Party challenged the Government's foreign policy in the nane of traditional values and how the Government successfully resisted these challenges. (Chapter I) The most significant events influencing the development of Labour foreign policy were: the outbreak of World War I; the Russian revolution; the reaction against war and balance of power politics; the creation of the League of Nations and the achievements of the two minority Labour governments there; the rise of Fascism; the Spanish Civil War; and the co-operation of the Big Three during World War II. From the Party's responses to these and other situations one can abstract the following as its basic principles: international co-operation, class-consciousness in foreign affairs, supra-nationalism end anti-militarism. In the following four chapters these principles are related to specific problems faced by the 1945-51 Labour Government. (Chapter II) The idea that since the peoples of all nations have essentially the same interests their governments could co-operate was tested by the Government and proved a failure. In the case of German reparations, the Government from the first held that its differences with Russia were irreconcilable. Russia wanted reparations payments immediately; this would create deficits in Germany that the British would have to pay. In Anglo-Russian relations from 1945 until 1948, Bevin pursued a dual policy. He worked simultaneously to secure co-operation with Russia and to safeguard British interests without regard to Russia, by agreement with America and other nations. Finally, Russian intransigence and threats of aggression drove the Government to abandon all efforts at co-operation. In Palestine, the Government sought to co-operate with the United States in arranging a settlement, because of their similar economic and military interests. The United States, in spite of its close alliance with Britain in Europe, would not co-operate. Britain solved this problem by unilateral action. (Chapter III) The principle of class-consciousness meant that a Labour Government would work especially well with other governments representative of the common people, and oppose reactionary governments. The Labour Government consistently refused to admit ideological affinity as a ground for closer diplomatic relations with Russia; after the Communist purge of Eastern European Socialists, it made Russian Communism its major ideological enemy. A minority in the Party pressed for a continued close association with Russia, but without success. A larger group of MPs attacked the Government for its close association with capitalist America. The Government did notlet this criticism prevent it from strengthening the Anglo-American alliance. The critics, by rapid shifts in their assessment of America, showed it was not American capitalism that they disliked, but certain aspects of American foreign policy. The Government was recurrently pressed by some of its supporters to organise a "third force", so that Socialism would provide an alternative allegiance for nations wishing to disengage from the cold war between Russia and America. In Spain the Labour Government consistently opposed strong diplomatic action against Franco and worked to eaxpand trade. In its treatment of Communist China, the Government wae careful not to take sides in the battle between the forces of social revolution and reaction. Government leaders carefully refrained from associating themselves with the International Socialist Conference. This job was done by people who were only Party officials. (Chapter IV) The internationalism of the Labour Party was not maintained once the government of Britain came into its hands. At the United Nations it did make an effort to establish a supra-national organisation for atomic energy, but the failure was more significant than the proposal. The inability of the International Court of Justice and of the Security Council to defend British interests made the Government conclude that using the machinery of international government was not the way to secure the peaceful settlement of disputes between major nations. The varied negotiations and proposals for European unity tested the Government's attitude towards ceding sovereignty in a limited area. The Government consistently opposed all such proposals, although the Party gave lip-service to the idea of a United Socialist Europe. Its reaction to the Schuman plan for a supra-national coal and steel authority showed how the nationalisation of British industry stimulated the nationalisation of Labour's foreign policy. (Chapter V) Traditionally the Labour Party opposed the use of military force and balance of power politics as immoral and unsuccessful; it relied primarily upon moral, economic and diplomatic influence. Economic difficulties following the end of World War II made the Government a recipient, rather than a distributor, of large-scale economic assistance. The Government's desire to protect vital interests by military force led it to continue conscription in peace-time. The opposition to this bill produced the one partially successful back-bench revolt on foreign affairs in this period. The signing of NATO marked the Government's full acceptance of the balance of power system, which Socialists had traditionally abjured. In the Korean War, the Labour Government supported plans for the re-unification of Korea by military force -- until Communist China intervened. At the same time as the Government was denying the advisability of settling the Korean dispute by military force, it was making its final and greatest commitment to rearmament in Europe. In spite of criticism on socialist, on pragmatic and on economic grounds, the Government continued its large-scale rearmament programme. The traditional anti-militarism within the party greatly strengthened Aneurin Bevan politically when he resigned in April 1951, because it provided a principle to justify his attack upon the Government and to attract support to his group. In its final diplomatic problem, the Anglo-Iranian oil dispute, the Government did act upon the belief that military force would not enable it to get its own way, and when negotiations failed, it left Abadan, in spite of severe criticism from the Conservatives. (Chapter VI) Many Socialists had criticised British diplomats because they were recruited from a relatively small and privileged social group and not from the classes which formed the great bulk of the Labour movement. Bevin rejected the idea that diplomats should be judged by their social origins; instead, he applied standards of business efficiency. The charge that Bevin's mind was made up for him by the Foreign Office was used by some critics to explain why the Labour Government abandoned its traditional Socialist principles. The charge was developed without regard to the power that Ernest Bevin's personality, his understanding or foreign affairs and his position as head of a department gave him. (Chapter VII) Policy-making in the Labour Party was radically altered by the sudden creation of a Labour Government, with sources of strength and responsibility that extended far beyond the active membership of the Labour Party. Within the Cabinet Bevin was the strongest political figure. Because representatives of all sections of the Labour movement were in the Cabinet, and were thus bound by the rule of collective responsibility to uphold its decisions, the Cabinet became the place where Party foreign policy was effectively determined. The Party machinery was used to support the Government, rather than to apply pressure to it.

No description available.

Theis(MMus) -- Stellenbosch University, 1983. / No Abstract Available

Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2006. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Collage, as a verbal and visual medium, epitomises the heterogeneity, indeterminacy and fragmentation of the postmodern moment. In this thesis I argue that visual collage - in the context of book illustration - presents an ideal form with which to illustrate the state of contemporary (postmodern) narrative. Postmodernism, as a term or concept, evades any form of absolute or definitive account. Hence, in my discussion of the postmodern condition I move towards an understanding of this complex theoretical and cultural phenomenon. Postmodern cultural artifacts reflect the state of a modernised, Western-orientated, globalised consciousness, which resists arborescent structures in past and contemporary texts. In both postmodern narratives and in literary fictional narratives the condition of artifice is amplified. Thus, this thesis explores various characteristics evident in postmodern fiction in order to understand and demonstrate the changes manifest in contemporary narratives in general. Many of the stylistic and figurative devices employed in the postmodern novel foreground the excessive appropriation and self-reflexive textualism of contemporary texts - these literary devices often reflect particular collage-like tendencies or characteristics. Contemporary literary theory, in addition, provides many useful terms and concepts with which to describe visual texts and, for the purposes of this discussion, narrative illustration. This thesis is centred primarily on an analysis of the practical component completed as part of the Master of Arts degree in Fine Arts. The discussion of the practical work is embedded in the wider fields of book art - particularly the postmodern artist's book (livre detourne) - and in contentious debates around the role of visual narrative illustration. In both the thesis and the illustrated book objects, I challenge the secondary and supplementary position traditionally held by illustration in the context of the book. I argue for a form of visual narrative that is not required to function as a mere translation of the primary verbal text. Instead - working within the context of the artist's book and through the utilisation of collage as a visual (and verbal) medium - I demonstrate that illustration may complement, supplement or subvert the written text. Furthermore, I show that illustration may assume the role of the primary text in the context of the codex. Finally, this study creates a space for a creative and participatory reader who, through the intertextual processes made evident in the book objects, becomes an active 'reader-writer' of the visual and verbal narratives under discussion. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Collage, as beide 'n verbale en visuele medium, verpersoonlik die onbesliste, gefragmenteerde, heterogene moment van postmodemisme. In hierdie tesis voer ek aan dat visuele collage, binne die konteks van boekillustrasie, 'n ideale vorm van uitbeelding hied om die toestand van kontemporere (postmodeme) narratief te illustreer. Postmodemisme, as 'n term of konsep, ontwyk enige volslae of beslissende betekenis. Gevolglik poog ek in my bespreking van die postmodeme toestand om nader aan 'n begrip van hierdie komplekse teoretiese en kulturele , fenoneem te beweeg. Postmodeme kulturele artefakte reflekteer die toestand van 'n gemodemiseerde, Westers-georienteerde, geglobaliseerde bewustheid wat liniere strukture in tekste uit die verlede en die hede weerstaan. In beide postmodeme narratiewe en fiktiewe literere narratiewe word die gesteldheid van kunsskepping toegelig. Dus ondersoek hierdie tesis verskeie opvallende eienskappe van postmodeme fiksie ten einde die veranderinge wat in die algemeen in kontemporere narratiewe manifesteer te verstaan en te demonstreer. Vele van die stilistiese en figuratiewe tegnieke van die postmodemistiese roman plaas die oormatige toe-eining en selfrefleksiewe tekstualisme van konteporere tekste op die voorgrond; die literere gebruikswyses reflekteer dikwels bepaalde collage-agtige tendense of eienskappe. Hierbenewens, bied kontemporere literereteorie vele nuttige terme en konsepte waarmee visuele tekste sowel as, vir die doe] van hierdie ondersoek, visuele narratiewe, beskryf kan word. Hierdie tesis is hoofsaaklik gevestig op 'n analise van die praktiese werk wat dee) van die Magister Artuim-graad in Beeldende Kunste uitmaak. Die bespreking van die praktiese werk is veranker in die wyer terreine van boekkuns - spesifiek die postmodeme kunstenaarsboek (livre detourne) - en in kontensieuse debatte oor die rol van visuelenarratief-illustrasie. In beide die tesis en die gelllustreerde boekobjekte bevraagteken ek die tradisionele siening dat illustrasie binne boekkontekse 'n sekondere of aanvullende posisie inneem. Ek argumenteer ten gunste van 'n vorm van visuele narratief waarvan daar nie bloot verwagword om as 'n beskrywing van die primere verbale teks te funksioneer nie. In plaas daarvan, deur binne die konteks van die kunstenaarsboek te werk en deur collage as 'n visuele (en verbale) medium te benut, demonstreer ek dat illustrasie die geskrewe teks kan aanvul, daartoe kan toevoeg of dit kan ondergrawe. Verder toon ek dat illustrasie die rol van die primere teks in die konteks van die kodeks kan inneem. Laastens skep hierdie studie die geleentheid vir 'n kreatiewe en bydraende leser - vanwee 'n intertekstuele proses wat in die boekobjekte aan die Jig kom - om as 'n aktiewe 'leser-skrywer' van die visuele en verbale tekste onder bespreking op te tree.

published_or_final_version / Comparative Literature / Doctoral / Doctor of Philosophy