My dissertation is the first empirically based study to closely examine the impacts of 9/11 on Canadian Muslim youth. It develops a critical analysis of how the general public supported by state practices, undermine the citizenship of Canadian Muslims, thereby impacting their identity formation. Conducting qualitative analysis, through the use of 50 in-depth interviews with Canadian Muslim men and women, aged 18 to 30, I have arrived at several important findings. These include findings related to citizenship, the racialization of gender identities and identity formation. First, despite having legal citizenship, Canadian Muslims often do not have access to substantive citizenship (the ability to exercise rights of legal citizenship), revealing the precarious nature of citizenship for minority groups in Canada. My research shows that the citizenship rights of Canadian Muslims may be undermined because they do not have access to allegiance and nationality, important facets of citizenship. Second, young Canadian Muslims are racialized and othered through increasingly stereotypical conceptions about their gender identities. Muslim men are perceived as barbaric and dangerous and Muslim women are imagined as passive and oppressed by their communities. As a result of these dominant conceptions, in their struggle against racism, young Canadian Muslims have to invest a great deal of time establishing themselves as thinking, rational, educated and peaceful persons. Third, to cope with their marginalization, many young Canadian Muslims have asserted their Muslim identities. In order to understand this social process, I extend the work done on ‘reactive ethnicity’ and theorize Muslim identity formation in a post 9/11 context, something not yet been done in academic literature. To do so, I coin the term ‘reactive identity formation,’ and illustrate that the formation of reactive identities is not limited to strengthening ethnic identity and that religious minority groups can experience a similar phenomenon. Furthermore, I find that while claiming their Muslim identity, most of my interviewees also retain their Canadian identity in order to resist the notion that they are not Canadian. By doing so, they attempt to redefine what it means to be Canadian.

My dissertation is the first empirically based study to closely examine the impacts of 9/11 on Canadian Muslim youth. It develops a critical analysis of how the general public supported by state practices, undermine the citizenship of Canadian Muslims, thereby impacting their identity formation. Conducting qualitative analysis, through the use of 50 in-depth interviews with Canadian Muslim men and women, aged 18 to 30, I have arrived at several important findings. These include findings related to citizenship, the racialization of gender identities and identity formation. First, despite having legal citizenship, Canadian Muslims often do not have access to substantive citizenship (the ability to exercise rights of legal citizenship), revealing the precarious nature of citizenship for minority groups in Canada. My research shows that the citizenship rights of Canadian Muslims may be undermined because they do not have access to allegiance and nationality, important facets of citizenship. Second, young Canadian Muslims are racialized and othered through increasingly stereotypical conceptions about their gender identities. Muslim men are perceived as barbaric and dangerous and Muslim women are imagined as passive and oppressed by their communities. As a result of these dominant conceptions, in their struggle against racism, young Canadian Muslims have to invest a great deal of time establishing themselves as thinking, rational, educated and peaceful persons. Third, to cope with their marginalization, many young Canadian Muslims have asserted their Muslim identities. In order to understand this social process, I extend the work done on ‘reactive ethnicity’ and theorize Muslim identity formation in a post 9/11 context, something not yet been done in academic literature. To do so, I coin the term ‘reactive identity formation,’ and illustrate that the formation of reactive identities is not limited to strengthening ethnic identity and that religious minority groups can experience a similar phenomenon. Furthermore, I find that while claiming their Muslim identity, most of my interviewees also retain their Canadian identity in order to resist the notion that they are not Canadian. By doing so, they attempt to redefine what it means to be Canadian.

For ethnic entrepreneurs, it is vitally important to be able to move fluidly through boundaries between ethno-racial groups. Social activities on both sides of a boundary increase access to opportunities, needed resources and advantageous contacts in mainstream marketplaces. In Canada, men of European descent disproportionately hold positions of advantage and authority in mainstream marketplaces. Entrepreneurs wishing to do business in these markets must foster ties with well placed European Canadians, yet research shows that ethnic minorities are typically shut out of these important and advantageous networks. Through three publishable papers, this dissertation considers the unique case and place of Indigenous entrepreneurs in Toronto, Canada. They are a population discriminated against for centuries, while at the same time a fundamental part of the creation of Canadian society. This dissertation asks whether and how Indigenous entrepreneurs can move effectively across ethnic boundaries and participate in multiple groups and settings. More specifically, these three papers explore the factors and macro social structures that contribute to the development of diverse networks and cultural capital within Indigenous and Euro-Canadian worlds, and the effects of social and cultural capitals on performance in Toronto's mainstream marketplace. While current theory explores the ability of some individuals to move between groups and across boundaries, research does not exist to test these assertions. This dissertation provides then, an initial case study of boundary spanning behaviour and the first effort at exploring Indigenous entrepreneurs in that role. Findings do indeed show that respondents instrumentally develop and maintain diverse cultural and social capital. Further, some forms of social capital contribute substantially to successful performance in Toronto's mainstream marketplace.

For ethnic entrepreneurs, it is vitally important to be able to move fluidly through boundaries between ethno-racial groups. Social activities on both sides of a boundary increase access to opportunities, needed resources and advantageous contacts in mainstream marketplaces. In Canada, men of European descent disproportionately hold positions of advantage and authority in mainstream marketplaces. Entrepreneurs wishing to do business in these markets must foster ties with well placed European Canadians, yet research shows that ethnic minorities are typically shut out of these important and advantageous networks. Through three publishable papers, this dissertation considers the unique case and place of Indigenous entrepreneurs in Toronto, Canada. They are a population discriminated against for centuries, while at the same time a fundamental part of the creation of Canadian society. This dissertation asks whether and how Indigenous entrepreneurs can move effectively across ethnic boundaries and participate in multiple groups and settings. More specifically, these three papers explore the factors and macro social structures that contribute to the development of diverse networks and cultural capital within Indigenous and Euro-Canadian worlds, and the effects of social and cultural capitals on performance in Toronto's mainstream marketplace. While current theory explores the ability of some individuals to move between groups and across boundaries, research does not exist to test these assertions. This dissertation provides then, an initial case study of boundary spanning behaviour and the first effort at exploring Indigenous entrepreneurs in that role. Findings do indeed show that respondents instrumentally develop and maintain diverse cultural and social capital. Further, some forms of social capital contribute substantially to successful performance in Toronto's mainstream marketplace.

This thesis examines rap music in Aotearoa, demonstrates its popularity, and explores its presence as a cultural commodity, particularly among Polynesian youth. I show how analysis of a popular musical phenomenon can be used to illustrate other social facts such as identity, political awareness, and alliance. American rap's history, musical characteristics, misogyny, profanity, racial implications, associations with deviance, and nihilism are explored, outlining multiple levels of meaning and intention, not excusing its occasional harshness, but presenting perspectives from within rap and critical race theory discourses. From interviews with school students, teachers, rappers, adults involved with young people and persons in the media industry, I show that, in Aotearoa, it is the Polynesian youth who have embraced rap, both as fans and as performers, from breakdancing in the early 80's to the latest surge of "Pasifika Hip Hop". Through observation and collection of videos, CD's, sales charts, magazines and news articles I conclude that American rap has had a strong presence in the media and popular music history of Aotearoa, with many local rap artists and songs having local chart successes. Through musical and lyrical analysis I summarise and compare the themes and musical influences of both American and Aotearoa rap and discover that Aotearoa rap is used to assert and construct local identities exploring race, culture and history. The thesis begs the question: Why is rap so popular particularly among Polynesian youth? Four responses are explored: a) The rappers themselves cite a similar socio-economic and historical circumstance to African Americans; b) Rap is a popular globalised popular cultural form, possibly representing a generalised trend in Americanisation and homogenisation, (which I refute on the basis of rap's inherent "blackness" arguing that hip hop is rather a voice of opposition); c) Rap as a genre has kaupapa [philosophy] and presents an ideal tool for the exigencies of Polynesian youth's exploration of identity and community and for the communication of political and pride; and finally d) The Polynesian youth of Aotearoa feel a spiritual connection to rap and hip hop, hearing something of themselves in it, and have taken to it like it was already theirs. I offer that rap has been a Turangawaewae [place to stand] for the rangatahi [youth] and they have injected this fertile African American popular music genre with their own culture and ideology. / Whole document restricted, but available by request, use the feedback form to request access.

This thesis examines rap music in Aotearoa, demonstrates its popularity, and explores its presence as a cultural commodity, particularly among Polynesian youth. I show how analysis of a popular musical phenomenon can be used to illustrate other social facts such as identity, political awareness, and alliance. American rap's history, musical characteristics, misogyny, profanity, racial implications, associations with deviance, and nihilism are explored, outlining multiple levels of meaning and intention, not excusing its occasional harshness, but presenting perspectives from within rap and critical race theory discourses. From interviews with school students, teachers, rappers, adults involved with young people and persons in the media industry, I show that, in Aotearoa, it is the Polynesian youth who have embraced rap, both as fans and as performers, from breakdancing in the early 80's to the latest surge of "Pasifika Hip Hop". Through observation and collection of videos, CD's, sales charts, magazines and news articles I conclude that American rap has had a strong presence in the media and popular music history of Aotearoa, with many local rap artists and songs having local chart successes. Through musical and lyrical analysis I summarise and compare the themes and musical influences of both American and Aotearoa rap and discover that Aotearoa rap is used to assert and construct local identities exploring race, culture and history. The thesis begs the question: Why is rap so popular particularly among Polynesian youth? Four responses are explored: a) The rappers themselves cite a similar socio-economic and historical circumstance to African Americans; b) Rap is a popular globalised popular cultural form, possibly representing a generalised trend in Americanisation and homogenisation, (which I refute on the basis of rap's inherent "blackness" arguing that hip hop is rather a voice of opposition); c) Rap as a genre has kaupapa [philosophy] and presents an ideal tool for the exigencies of Polynesian youth's exploration of identity and community and for the communication of political and pride; and finally d) The Polynesian youth of Aotearoa feel a spiritual connection to rap and hip hop, hearing something of themselves in it, and have taken to it like it was already theirs. I offer that rap has been a Turangawaewae [place to stand] for the rangatahi [youth] and they have injected this fertile African American popular music genre with their own culture and ideology. / Whole document restricted, but available by request, use the feedback form to request access.

This thesis examines rap music in Aotearoa, demonstrates its popularity, and explores its presence as a cultural commodity, particularly among Polynesian youth. I show how analysis of a popular musical phenomenon can be used to illustrate other social facts such as identity, political awareness, and alliance. American rap's history, musical characteristics, misogyny, profanity, racial implications, associations with deviance, and nihilism are explored, outlining multiple levels of meaning and intention, not excusing its occasional harshness, but presenting perspectives from within rap and critical race theory discourses. From interviews with school students, teachers, rappers, adults involved with young people and persons in the media industry, I show that, in Aotearoa, it is the Polynesian youth who have embraced rap, both as fans and as performers, from breakdancing in the early 80's to the latest surge of "Pasifika Hip Hop". Through observation and collection of videos, CD's, sales charts, magazines and news articles I conclude that American rap has had a strong presence in the media and popular music history of Aotearoa, with many local rap artists and songs having local chart successes. Through musical and lyrical analysis I summarise and compare the themes and musical influences of both American and Aotearoa rap and discover that Aotearoa rap is used to assert and construct local identities exploring race, culture and history. The thesis begs the question: Why is rap so popular particularly among Polynesian youth? Four responses are explored: a) The rappers themselves cite a similar socio-economic and historical circumstance to African Americans; b) Rap is a popular globalised popular cultural form, possibly representing a generalised trend in Americanisation and homogenisation, (which I refute on the basis of rap's inherent "blackness" arguing that hip hop is rather a voice of opposition); c) Rap as a genre has kaupapa [philosophy] and presents an ideal tool for the exigencies of Polynesian youth's exploration of identity and community and for the communication of political and pride; and finally d) The Polynesian youth of Aotearoa feel a spiritual connection to rap and hip hop, hearing something of themselves in it, and have taken to it like it was already theirs. I offer that rap has been a Turangawaewae [place to stand] for the rangatahi [youth] and they have injected this fertile African American popular music genre with their own culture and ideology. / Whole document restricted, but available by request, use the feedback form to request access.

This thesis examines rap music in Aotearoa, demonstrates its popularity, and explores its presence as a cultural commodity, particularly among Polynesian youth. I show how analysis of a popular musical phenomenon can be used to illustrate other social facts such as identity, political awareness, and alliance. American rap's history, musical characteristics, misogyny, profanity, racial implications, associations with deviance, and nihilism are explored, outlining multiple levels of meaning and intention, not excusing its occasional harshness, but presenting perspectives from within rap and critical race theory discourses. From interviews with school students, teachers, rappers, adults involved with young people and persons in the media industry, I show that, in Aotearoa, it is the Polynesian youth who have embraced rap, both as fans and as performers, from breakdancing in the early 80's to the latest surge of "Pasifika Hip Hop". Through observation and collection of videos, CD's, sales charts, magazines and news articles I conclude that American rap has had a strong presence in the media and popular music history of Aotearoa, with many local rap artists and songs having local chart successes. Through musical and lyrical analysis I summarise and compare the themes and musical influences of both American and Aotearoa rap and discover that Aotearoa rap is used to assert and construct local identities exploring race, culture and history. The thesis begs the question: Why is rap so popular particularly among Polynesian youth? Four responses are explored: a) The rappers themselves cite a similar socio-economic and historical circumstance to African Americans; b) Rap is a popular globalised popular cultural form, possibly representing a generalised trend in Americanisation and homogenisation, (which I refute on the basis of rap's inherent "blackness" arguing that hip hop is rather a voice of opposition); c) Rap as a genre has kaupapa [philosophy] and presents an ideal tool for the exigencies of Polynesian youth's exploration of identity and community and for the communication of political and pride; and finally d) The Polynesian youth of Aotearoa feel a spiritual connection to rap and hip hop, hearing something of themselves in it, and have taken to it like it was already theirs. I offer that rap has been a Turangawaewae [place to stand] for the rangatahi [youth] and they have injected this fertile African American popular music genre with their own culture and ideology. / Whole document restricted, but available by request, use the feedback form to request access.

This thesis examines rap music in Aotearoa, demonstrates its popularity, and explores its presence as a cultural commodity, particularly among Polynesian youth. I show how analysis of a popular musical phenomenon can be used to illustrate other social facts such as identity, political awareness, and alliance. American rap's history, musical characteristics, misogyny, profanity, racial implications, associations with deviance, and nihilism are explored, outlining multiple levels of meaning and intention, not excusing its occasional harshness, but presenting perspectives from within rap and critical race theory discourses. From interviews with school students, teachers, rappers, adults involved with young people and persons in the media industry, I show that, in Aotearoa, it is the Polynesian youth who have embraced rap, both as fans and as performers, from breakdancing in the early 80's to the latest surge of "Pasifika Hip Hop". Through observation and collection of videos, CD's, sales charts, magazines and news articles I conclude that American rap has had a strong presence in the media and popular music history of Aotearoa, with many local rap artists and songs having local chart successes. Through musical and lyrical analysis I summarise and compare the themes and musical influences of both American and Aotearoa rap and discover that Aotearoa rap is used to assert and construct local identities exploring race, culture and history. The thesis begs the question: Why is rap so popular particularly among Polynesian youth? Four responses are explored: a) The rappers themselves cite a similar socio-economic and historical circumstance to African Americans; b) Rap is a popular globalised popular cultural form, possibly representing a generalised trend in Americanisation and homogenisation, (which I refute on the basis of rap's inherent "blackness" arguing that hip hop is rather a voice of opposition); c) Rap as a genre has kaupapa [philosophy] and presents an ideal tool for the exigencies of Polynesian youth's exploration of identity and community and for the communication of political and pride; and finally d) The Polynesian youth of Aotearoa feel a spiritual connection to rap and hip hop, hearing something of themselves in it, and have taken to it like it was already theirs. I offer that rap has been a Turangawaewae [place to stand] for the rangatahi [youth] and they have injected this fertile African American popular music genre with their own culture and ideology. / Whole document restricted, but available by request, use the feedback form to request access.

This thesis presents an ethnographic study based in the city of Toronto on how ethnic Chinese negotiate their ambivalence towards the category “Chinese-Canadian”, particularly in relation to discourses about race, ethnicity and language. It is the finding of this study that second generation, economically privileged ethnic Chinese women are likely to feel most comfortable with the aforementioned category, in relation to their counterparts. This is because they are most likely to be able to speak Chinese and English, as well as seek out a vocabulary that allows them to make sense of their experience. They are also likely to be most comfortable because, as Chinese is a feminized category, they more easily fit into the mold of what a Chinese person is “supposed” to be like. Ethnic Chinese men, however, are less comfortable with the category and assert their masculinity by engaging in humour driven in racial and ethnic stereotypes.