This thesis examines the different production contexts of the journalistic output of the Peruvian poet Cesar Vallejo (1892-1938). Taking the notion of the writer's autonomy as a guiding thread, the study traces Vallejo's development as a journalist and describes the different ways in which he negotiated with external agents when producing his articles. The first chapter explores Vallejo's early acquaintance with journalism in Peru and places his first chronicles within the discourses of literature, the academy, and the press. It reveals Vallejo's early notion of journalism as a vehicle for advancing his own literary concerns. The second chapter analyzes Vallejo's negotiations with the journalistic market after his trip to Europe. This change in production context brought about a change in his writing, as he had to model his texts considering the established tradition of the Parisian chronicle. By analyzing not only his texts but also the images he provided for his illustrated articles, the chapter shows that Vallejo's use of irony was his main tool to provide, at the same time, a description and a critique of Parisian modernity. The third chapter assesses Vallejo's place in the official and unofficial artistic world of Paris. By taking a closer look at his relationship with the Peruvian government, it demonstrates how he tried to model some of his French articles to garner future economic benefits from Leguia's regime. The last chapter traces Vallejo's politicization during the late 192os through his acquaintance with Marxism and dialectics. It examines the corrections he made when collecting some of his articles in book form in order to withdraw his writing from the more mundane context of the periodical press. The study is complemented by a complete bibliography of Vallejo's uncollected prose and by an appendix collecting eleven new articles discovered during the research.

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This thesis examines the production of the Al Jazeera broadcast news programme based in Qatar and pays particular attention to the Al Jazeera news form for programme production and journalists’ practice. Acknowledging the significant differences between the programme form adopted by Al Jazeera and other news programming in the Arab news ecology, it explores these as collective knowledge shared by journalists within the production domain and underpinned by a visualisation of the programme’s audiences. The study draws on observations of news practice, in-depth interviews with news workers, and analyses of news content to demonstrate connections between these professional understandings, journalists’ news practices, and the shaping of news discourse. The research shows how the news form and the imagined audience – while representing wider organisational, cultural, and political influences - shape the production process and structure its news output. By tracing the selection and presentation of story themes, actors, language, and images, the thesis concludes that Al Jazeera news programmes mediate significant issues in the Arab world in two ways: first, issues are shaped according to constructed national perspectives; second, others are reconciled according to a view of a particular Arab region frought with conflict and disagreement.

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This thesis considers how, after the Good Friday Agreement in 1998, the return to a devolved Northern Ireland Executive and Assembly government for the first time since 1972 impacted upon journalists’ sources in Northern Ireland. The sample time frame used for this unique piece of research is May 2003 to May 2013. It considers the consequences this new political dispensation had upon Northern Irish journalism during this decade, focusing upon sources for news items used for political reporting in Northern Ireland. Although a range of research has been done on Northern Ireland politics in the peace process, at the beginning of this research in 2011 no substantive research was available on how news sources in the Northern Irish media and political reporting in the region were performing after the devolved government had bedded in from May 2007 onwards. A longitudinal study based on such a multiplatform of media sources at the heart of Northern Irish government has never taken place before, nor has there ever been such a period of stable power-sharing government on which to base such a study. Across the five chapters of this thesis, the author compares and contrasts existing knowledge and academic schools of thought on journalists’ sources and the public sphere against the findings of the data analysis chapter in this research. This thesis aims to help increase our understanding of how journalism in Northern Ireland adapted across a dramatic decade for the region’s politics to cater for the new political reality of a functional devolved executive and assembly administration. This research provides a new level of in-depth understanding about the media coverage and handling of Northern Ireland Executive business after devolution ranging from announcements to negative stories to crisis and policy decisions as they arose in the sample period. The emergence of a range of new groups and influencers across civic society who now had a voice through lobbying the executive and assembly members on local issues will also be considered. The emerging new political class and the level of transformation in relation to the amount of valid sources that the media had to interview and source lead critics from for negative executive decisions is also considered in comparison to the early years of the decade studied where a direct rule administration governed the region. In summary, this research fills a knowledge gap in the academic literature in relation to where Northern Irish journalism, or indeed coverage of the Northern Ireland Executive, stood several years into devolution. The research looks at the rapid increase in both coverage of government affairs in the Northern Irish media, and where the media sourced their coverage. This also includes considering the media outlets involved, broadcast and print, and the trends in the region’s journalism across the decade as well as the increasing level of positive coverage and the differences in coverage between broadcast and print both at regional and provincial level, the differing style and enthusiasm for devolved minsters versus direct rule administration and the changing dynamic as the administration developed over six years in office in media coverage.

This thesis considers the development of political print culture in the 1790s. The central concern of this study is the evaluation of political texts that were specifically designed and targeted towards a broad and popular readership. I consider with equal attention the work of both loyalists and radicals in the late eighteenth-century. Firstly, this thesis examines the works of Thomas Spence, who published the successful radical periodical One Pennyworth of Pigs' Meat; or, Lessons for the Swinish Multitude (1793-5). This was followed shortly by Daniel Isaac Eaton's periodical Hog's Wash, or a Salmagundy for Swine, later retitled Politics for the People (1793-5). These publishers adapted the format of the eighteenth century miscellany periodical for a popular audience in order to provide political news and opinion. I argue for the significance of both works towards our understanding of politics, print culture and the reading public in the 1790s. Lastly, I turn towards the publications of John Reeves and the Association for Preserving Liberty and Property against Republicans and Levellers (1792) and Hannah More's Cheap Repository Tracts (1795-1797). I argue that, in a similar fashion to Spence and Eaton, Reeves's loyalist 'Association' successfully adapted popular forms of publication in order to reach and influence a large audience. In particular, I argue for an appreciation of the culture of literary innovation fostered by the Association that complicates and improves our knowledge of loyalist writing in the 1790s. Finally, I consider the work of Hannah More and argue for the underappreciated influence of Spence on her popular political chapbook literature. Few critics have thoroughly investigated the overlap between loyalist and radical cultures, and the interchange of influence and networks between More and Spence has not been sufficiently examined. All the authors and texts considered in this study made important contributions to the definition of democracy in the 1790s. They were also influenced by democratic principles in their design, content and publication. They all, therefore, contributed to the expansion of the reading public and the development of popular political publications in 1790s.

This thesis examines the representation of crime, justice, and punishment in the popular press, with particular focus upon The Illustrated Police News, a weekly newspaper published between 1864 and 1938. The Illustrated Police News, notorious for its sensational reporting of the week’s most exciting and dramatic crimes, has traditionally been dismissed as a marginal publication. The style, content, and popularity of The Illustrated Police News challenges the view that the cultural imagination of Victorian Britain was narrowly defined by the ideal of respectability, or that by the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries popular culture had been successfully tamed. The study employs a quantitative and qualitative analysis of the content of The Illustrated Police News, sampling the newspaper at six-year intervals throughout its seventy-four years of publication. This statistical examination of the newspaper’s core components, including its illustrations, sensational reports, police court reporting, and advertisements, reveals a complex story of change, continuity, and the remaking of representations of crime. The Illustrated Police News’s crime content continued to be shaped by the newspaper’s methods of production, availability of news, and the requirements of the physical space of the page. Strikingly, wood-engravings continued to be used after the introduction of photographs in the press, and execution continued to be used as source of entertainment long after the abolition of public execution in 1868. Alongside these continuities in content, style, and audience, there were also important changes. In response to changing working-class leisure practices, The Illustrated Police News increased its sporting and gambling content and altered its layout, whilst during the First World War coverage of the war almost entirely replaced crime reporting. This, along with the noticeable continuities, show that the newspaper was actively engaged with reader demand, driven by the two main concerns of commercial viability and feasibility.

The BBC Coverage of the Ethiopian Famine in 1984-5 was an iconic news event. It is widely believed to have had an unprecedented impact, challenging perceptions of Africa and mobilising public opinion and philanthropic action in a dramatic new way. As such it offers a case study of the media impact on public opinion and the policy making process. The research, using for the first time privileged access to BBC and Government archives, examines and reveals the internal factors which drove the BBC news. It constructs the process which accounts for the immensity of the news event, as well as following the response to public opinion pressure into the heart of Government. In addition, it shows that whilst the reporting and the altruistic festival that it produced were to trigger remarkable and identifiable changes, this impact was not where the conventional account claimed it to have been. Moreover it demonstrates that the contemporary configuration of aid, media pressure, aid agencies and government policy is still directly affected and in some ways distorted by what was - as this narrative shows - also an inaccurate and misleading story. In popular memory the reporting of Ethiopia and the humanitarian intervention were a great success. Yet alternative interpretations give a radically different picture that the reporting was misleading and the resulting aid effort did more harm than good. This thesis explains the event within the wider context of foreign reporting, especially by the BBC, and also within the history of the period, and argues that the impact of the media is always historically determined - an aspect of the analysis of media effects that is often ignored.

This thesis concentrates on the effects of political ideology on the contents of the Arabic emigrant press, especially the London based Al-Hayat and Al-Duds Al-Arabi. There are some academic studies about the history of the Arabic emigrant press, but there is no single study examining in depth the journalistic work styles or the character of language used by these dailies to describe events. There are two issues under study: the Gulf War of 1990, and the Islamic political movements in Algeria, Egypt and Saudi Arabia. The findings of this thesis are derived from 340 newspaper issues under study (140 issues about the Gulf War of 1990 and 200 issues about the Islamic political movements). The area of ideology, in particular political ideology is the theoretical framework of the thesis. From this area, the researcher borrowed the concept and theory of ideology and its relation to language and media discourse. The main focus of this study will be on both manifest and latent contents of the newspapers under study. From the media theory perspective, the present thesis is related to two theoretical frameworks: political economy and representation approaches. The first one will help to explain the political and economic reasons behind selecting specific news items. The political economic approach will also define the political and economic pressures which decide the news values of a given newspaper. The second approach to which this thesis is related is representation. This approach will help to answer the question of how the newspapers represented the issues and actors under study through their language and to what extent these representations could be considered as ideology. The thesis employs content and discourse analysis as a research methodology. The researcher uses the traditional quantitative approach of content analysis and use discourse analysis as a qualitative approach of the same methodology. The framework of discourse analysis in this thesis, depends on the literatures of Fairclough, Fowler, and Van Dijk. One of the main findings that this thesis has reached is that the Arab emigrant press in London suffers from the same elements of pressures which affect journalism in most parts of the Arab world. For instance, both kinds of Arab press (local and emigrant) are affected by political regimes, ownership and subsidisation, advertisements, and censorship. In this thesis we will notice how the newspapers under study are affected by the censorship in the Arab world as well as the influence of some Arab political regimes. In reporting the Gulf War of 1990, Al- Hayal was affected by the Saudi censorship which led it to reduce Iraq as an important actor and place in that conflict. The newspaper's relations with Saudi Arabia also prevented the newspaper from explaining the motives of the suspects behind exploding the two American residential complexes in Saudi Arabia. It is true that the newspaper adopted one position toward the activities attributed to the Islamic groups in the Arab world, but when Saudi Arabia became the target of such activities the newspaper just condemned the explosions without searching or presenting any reasons for them because of its sensitive relationship with the Saudi government. AI-Quds AI Arabi depending on its identity (the owner and the editor -inchief in that time were Palestinian, decided to support Iraq in the Gulf War of 1990. Furthermore, the newspaper claimed that Iraq would be able to confront the coalition led by the USA to liberate Kuwait, so the newspaper, before the start of Desert Storm on 17.1.1991, supported the military solution to solve the Gulf crisis. In reporting the Islamic political movements in the Arab world, the newspaper took two different attitudes: it rejected the activities of these movements in Algeria and Egypt and supported to a large extent the two explosions in Saudi Arabia which were attributed to Islamic groups and individuals

My thesis uncovers innovative ways of re-reading the New Woman. By purposefully moving away from novelistic representations, I have reinvigorated the saturated area of New Woman studies, capturing instances of her elusive nature in the 1890s woman’s press. I reveal the unique coincidence between subject matter and publishing practice in my investigation of five 1890s women’s magazines: Shafts (1892-1899), Woman’s Signal (1894-1899), Young Woman (1892-1915), Woman (1890-1912) and Lady’s Realm (1896-1914). I split the magazines into liberally feminist – Shafts and the Signal – and conservatively progressive – Young Woman, Woman and Lady’s Realm. The first three chapters produce case-studies of individual magazines. The final chapter explores Woman and the Lady’s Realm in tandem. Throughout my study I adopt four loose categories of exploration: editorial approaches; women’s relationships with themselves; women’s relationships with other women and men; literary identification. I use a combination of close analysis and broad overview to assess the categories, looking at essays, interviews, editorials, correspondence, advertisements, and advice columns. I observe the dialogue that fiction and poetry produced with these texts. My research reveals that the New Woman was a fragile and responsive entity who was used by the editors and readers of the magazines to project more desirable images of themselves, countering the virulent reception of the New Woman in the popular press. Whilst the New Woman offered an emancipatory utopia in the liberal feminist magazines, she was rejected, mocked and sometimes hesitantly promoted by the conservatively progressive publications. Her presence in these magazines served commercial and exploratory means. Most importantly, the New Woman provided an essential means of self-actualization. She offered comfort to female readers, even if this comfort lay in mocking her. Ultimately, this project adds an important new chapter to understandings of the New Woman, promoting her as a figure of self-identification for late-Victorian womanhood.