The increase of interest in financial culture following the financial crisis, which started in 2008, as well as the proliferation of financial data, have sparked an emerging research agenda into the role of financial news media. Moreover, financial news media is an important research topic in finance because information released through the media has a wider audience than other information intermediating systems in the financial market. This thesis defines the financial journalist as a significant actor in the intermediation of financial information. It also contributes to understanding how the relationships between intermediaries in firms’ information environments affect financial markets, and in particular whether claims for professionalization can be made by financial journalists and public relations practitioners for their interrelating activities. The further contribution of the thesis is its integration of an interdisciplinary and mixed methods approach. The thesis investigates the research problem through three independent empirical studies that are linked to the research aim of the thesis, and each other, but can be read independently. The first study uses the quantitative, event-study method and tests how 100 small-cap US stocks are affected by different types of carefully-selected information, namely analysts’ recommendations, corporate filings, news media, public relations wires and stock tips received over five years from 1 January 2006 to 31 December 2010. Its first contribution is a problematisation of firms’ information environments from an information intermediation perspective. It therefore finds that news media has the largest negative and absolute effect on stock prices, trading volumes and volatility. The intuitions for this are news media’s wide dissemination; its attraction to reporting bad news, as well as to interpreting events negatively. Further, its independence from firms and role in corporate governance are thought to make bad news especially surprising. The second and third studies form two halves of a qualitative symmetrical study that tests for the intuitions and findings of the quantitative study. They do so through structured and semi-structured interviews with experienced journalists and corporate public relations practitioners about their own perceptions of their respective self-constitutions and ethics; their relationships to each other; their understandings about how their own work and other information intermediaries’ work in firms’ information environments affect financial information; and to determine if and how these factors affect the manner in which they go about doing work. Study 2 considers journalists as actors in the financial market by problematizing them as information intermediaries who disseminate financial information and contribute to corporate governance. It finds they have a professional ethic biased towards reporting bad news and contributes to understanding the professional constitutions and knowledge construction activities of journalists through demonstrating how their beliefs, motivation and self-awareness influence reporting choices and actions. Their level of expertise and credibility in these activities is linked to the relative performativity of news stories. Study 3 studies the expansion of public relations’ reputation risk management activities in relation to journalists and evaluates the industry’s claim for professionalism using Gieryn’s (1983) analytical framework of boundary-work. It considers public relations practitioners as actors in financial markets in the context of globalised, high-speed financial markets and increased demands for corporate social responsibility. It finds that public relations is increasing its monopoly over the dissemination and intermediation of financial information but cannot yet make a claim for professional jurisdiction over these activities.

This thesis explores how the local media in East Anglia portrayed the US military presence during the Cold War at times of international crisis. It aims to assess this portrayal in comparison with national media images and critically interrogates the socio-political, economic and cultural reasons for it. This media related study contributes to Cold War historiography and the historiography of the USAF. Research was mainly archival, based on discourse analysis and comparative focusing on the official discourse of the Cold War and the news media. Central to the research were the written records of the British government and articles in appropriate newspapers issued near American airbases. The region of East Anglia was selected for its strategic location and large number of military bases, and data collection focused on selected periods of international crisis due to their impact on media coverage. The examination of newspaper articles identified a wide range of images with some recurring from time to time while others remain specific to certain periods. Findings suggest that local economic as well as political interests played a role in shaping the images of the US presence in the local media, and it could be argued that there is a correlation between the conservative landscape of the region and the newspaper articles’ overwhelming tolerance or at least acceptance of the US presence, which is in line with conservative governmental discourse in all periods of crisis explored. However, the articles – and in particular the readers’ letters to the editors – also highlight that there were strong debates between supporters and opponents of the American presence, and this debate blurs the boundaries of political parties, i.e. in certain periods there are also strong opponents in the conservative camp.

Online journalism has brought new features of journalism practices for local journalists and forced the expansion of their freedom. The Internet as a whole became the tool for freedom of expression for many suppressed countries, and online journalism became an alternative for press freedom in cyberspace. The diffusion of information enabled more opportunities for freedom of expression and speech prosperity, leading to a higher level of freedom in local press. This research project aims to examine the effect of online journalism on the freedom of the local press in the state of Kuwait. Since mid 1990s, when the Internet was introduced in Kuwait, a new phenomenon of press freedom started to rise. After many decades of relying heavily on local newspapers and controlled radio and TV, many Kuwaitis switched to the Internet to obtain information, news and political analysis. The political dispute of power after the death of Kuwaiti Emir Sheikh Jabber Al-Ahmad Al-Sabah on 15 of January 2006, followed by the public demand to change the electoral constituencies voting system of the National Assembly, and the dissolving of the National Assembly in May 2006 forced many Kuwaitis to go online to get the latest news and analysis regarding the two issues. Kuwaiti online journalism became the source for instant updated information during the disputes. Many local writers praised their work on local press. Mohammad Abdul Qader Al-Jasim, a columnist and former editor in chief for Alwatan local newspaper, in his online Web site ‘Meezan’, provided non-censored detailed analysis of these situations without any restrictions or fear of government interference which was considered as a taboo “red line” no one was permitted to cross. The researcher used three different tools (survey, online content analysis, and interviews) to determine the effect of online journalism on journalist’s practices and the freedom of the press in Kuwait, focusing on the most popular Kuwaiti personal writers’ sites, weblogs and forums. The results show that online journalism affected journalist’s practices but did not replace the traditional practices. The Internet became a source and communication platform for many local journalists. At the same time, online journalism became one of the tools that helped increase the level of freedom in the local press. The language of online journalism took a different direction from the local press with more freedom to write, discuss, and share ideas online with less fear of government retribution. What was considered a taboo “red line” in the local press became an acceptable “green line” online. Local press officials recognized this effect on the local freedom, but disagree on the factors that really caused the freedom of the local press to increase.

With the rise of internet literacy across the world, men and women on the street are increasingly participating in the news media more than ever before. Early speculations about the influence of citizen journalism imbued the practice with an almost messianic ability to save both journalism and democracy. Whilst these suggestions were influenced by a small amount of data analysis, mainly from Western countries, they were encouraging and demonstrated the potential of citizen journalism in representing the voice of ordinary people. This thesis suggests that citizen journalism is not only promoting the perspective of ordinary citizens, but is also supplementing the coverage of the mainstream media, building relationships, shaping the public sphere, and fulfilling the critical role of a watchdog. Analysing data from a sample of twenty-four different English language citizen journalism sites, this thesis examines the phenomenon of citizen journalism, focusing on the member countries of the South Asian Association for Regional Co-operation. Employing a mixed methods approach, quantitative and qualitative analyses were undertaken of the data set. The results show that citizen journalism sites in the larger and more developed SAARC countries provide more coverage of news than those in the smaller and underdeveloped countries. Political news is given the highest priority by the majority of the sites whilst news about war and terrorism is given the least. The analysis has also discovered that the sites function as a bridge, bringing people living in different parts of the world together and enabling them to engage in political discourse and the sharing of knowledge and experience. Moreover, citizen journalism is helping people to educate themselves about the culture and political systems of their new countries while also forming their own community online. This was particularly the case with the sites that were owned and operated by the diaspora people living in the West. In addition, with a few exceptions, the majority of the sites make substantial use of supplementary materials to enhance news articles, encouraging readers to participate in interactive news activities, such as posting comments. The study has also found that citizen journalists come from a wide range of backgrounds, from politicians acting as citizen journalists to students aspiring to generate revenues through commercial advertising on the Internet. However, they differ from each other in terms of their news values and news presentation — some of the sites offer more political news than others whilst others behave more like the mainstream media, providing a wide range of news articles. On the other hand, a few of the sites are less active and provide fewer news articles than others. The study has also found that citizen journalists from the SAARC countries include works of fiction as part of their news output, thus offering the slightly different definition of citizen journalism from that in the West.

One of the most controversial wars in contemporary history, both in terms of the ideological powers behind it and its continued struggle for over 60 years, is the Palestinian-Israeli conflict. The most recent outburst of the conflict, commonly known as the Gaza War, has attracted extensive global media coverage. Employing an interdisciplinary approach, the thesis incorporates an extensive content analysis, to chart patterns and regularities within a large corpus of four broadcast media (namely BBC Arabic, BBC World, Al-Jazeera Arabic and Al-Jazeera English). It then integrates a more interpretative discourse analysis, to investigate the cultural ideas evoked linguistically and, to a lesser extent, visually throughout the coverage. Assuming a qualitative stance, it also draws upon focus groups conducted in Jordan and England to examine the public s knowledge and understandings of the events on the ground, in addition to their evaluation of both organisations levels of objectivity and impartiality. To allow for a comparative dimension, the thesis develops two frames of analysis that systematically looks at two recurring themes and scrutinises their discursive strategies and functions in the construction of meaning and ideology. These include Provocation, which examines questions of responsibility and culpability; and Proportionality which embraces matters of legitimacy and authority in relation to the humanitarian aspect of the war. The findings indicate that the actions of a protagonist may be deemed legitimate with regard to provocation, but illegitimate with regard to their proportionality. The peculiar circumstances of the war pushed the media in the direction of greater separation from the predominant ideologies ensued by the Israeli Army. It suggests that both networks lack a coherent discursive strategy at the level of the lexical in their reporting of Gaza. The empirical findings also confirm that meanings devised by viewers are pertinent to their behaviours, attitudes and beliefs. This conceptualisation formulated three readings shaped by political, cultural and social formations: an oppositional (counter-hegemonic) reading, a dominant reading and a subliminal (sub-conscious) reading.

This dissertation examines the process of limited political liberalisation in China by analysing the coexistence between critical journalists and the party-state under the Hu-Wen leadership. In contrast to the scholarship on authoritarianism and Chinese politics, which tends to analyse the perspectives of societal actors and the state separately from one another, this study brings the two together, unveiling the intricacies of their interactions. In the past decade, critical journalists and the party-state maintained a partnership which can be best described by a jazz ensemble metaphor. The players—critical journalists and the party-state—share a common purpose: improving their performance or governance within the existing political system. They overcome the limitations on their collaboration with ad hoc creative adjustments made in response to one another. The party-state acts as a band leader, setting the key by establishing a framework within which creative manoeuvring can take place. The study is based on unique access to politically sensitive material, including 120 in-depth interviews with critical journalists, media and crisis management experts, and government officials. It also includes multilayered textual analysis of the Chinese Communist Party journal, Qiushi, and investigative reports in two outspoken media outlets, Caijing and Nanfang Zhoumo. The data is employed to analyse the boundaries for limited political liberalisation of the media as well as how it manifests itself during major crisis events. More broadly, the dissertation draws the attention of both China and authoritarianism scholars to the significant yet neglected feature of interactive improvisation as a force that can sustain coexistence between critical actors and authoritarian states. It shows that by engaging in actor-driven analysis and illuminating the process of their interactions, we can better grasp the dynamics of authoritarianism in China and beyond. A step is made towards applying the analytical framework distilled in the China case on other authoritarian regimes by including a limited comparison to media–state relations under Gorbachev and under Putin. It shows that the variables of collaboration and improvisation are useful in explaining the different outcomes of political liberalisation reform.

There has been significant academic criticism of the international news coverage of Africa, but little or no first-hand research on the forces that create this news. This thesis draws on 51 semi-structured interviews and ethnographic work with practicing foreign correspondents in Sudan, Kenya and Uganda to explore the question: how can we explain and theorise the production of international news on East Africa? The thesis argues that Pierre Bourdieu’s Field Theory, and its analytical toolbox of ‘field’, ‘capital’ and ‘habitus’, can be meaningfully used to examine international journalistic practice. Field theory has been widely and productively used to understand domestic news production, but it has not yet been employed to empirically investigate journalistic production in the global sphere. The analysis is presented in three sections, each of which focuses on a different ‘layer’ of the international news system: the global field, where newswires compete for clients and capital; the national field ‘back home’ where traditional, nation based news outlets are based; and, finally, the local and immediate site where foreign correspondents work. Each of these layers is explored through an in depth case study of a major news producer/group of producers working in East Africa. The first and most substantial section examines the global journalistic field, and the position and practices of the Reuters newswire within this field. The second examines the foreign correspondents who report on Africa for print outlets in the UK. The final section presents two case studies of correspondents at work, negotiating a local news ecology: the election violence in Kenyan (2007-8), and the international coverage of the Darfur crisis. The discussion explores the fluidity between these three layers. Each analysis section stands alone as an investigations of major news producers in Africa today, and the forces that influence their work. Together, they build the argument that field theory is a useful approach to conceptualising the contemporary global news system, and examining journalistic practices within this. The main strengths of the theory lie in its notion of habitus; the extent to which it can incorporate and explain change; and its ability to link macro level phenomenon with micro level practice. The theory is ideally suited to capture and study the way in which foreign correspondents negotiate a complex and fluid global news system.

Le Cabinda qui est intégré à l’Angola depuis 1975, revendique son autonomie. En rappelant des données historiques, on comprend que ce territoire a toujours bénéficié d’un statut de Protectorat sous la domination portugaise. Ceci a contribué à l’épanouissement des spécificités culturelles et sociales du peuple cabindais. Ce statut a été supprimé à l’indépendance de l’Angola qui a absorbé Cabinda, fortement convoité pour ses richesses naturelles, pétrolières et minières. De 1970 à 1980, le Cabinda est impliqué dans une guerre meurtrière. Nous avons retenu cette période pour examiner la manière dont deux magazines de la presse panafricaine, Jeune Afrique et Afrique-Asie, en ont rendu compte. A travers des corpus d’articles publiés, nous voyons la manière dont les journalistes ont produit de l’information à propos du Cabinda. Cette thèse met en lumière le manque d’intérêt de la presse panafricaine francophone, pour la situation sociopolitique au Cabinda. / The province of Cabinda, included to Angola since 1975, claims for autonomy. The history tells us about its status as a Portuguese protectorate; what contributed to the blossoming of the cultural and social specifities of the Cabinda people. This status was ignored at the Angolan independence with as consequence the absorption of Cabinda, highly coveted because its kerosene and other mineral resources. In the 1970s, the province of Cabinda was involved into a civil war extremely deadly. We have kept this temporal setting to see the way two magazines of the African Press, Jeune Afrique and Afrique-Asie, reported about the war andwe have simultaneously analyzed through a set of published articles the way journalists have reported about Cabinda. This dissertation throws light on the disinterest of the French-speaking Pan African Press about the sociopolitical situation of Cabinda.

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This thesis examines and compares newspaper coverage of the first two general elections after Scottish devolution, looking at both the Scottish and English/UK press. By considering the coverage of a major political event which affects both countries, it contributes to debates regarding the performance of the Scottish press within an arguably distinct Scottish public sphere as well as that of the press in England within a post-devolution context. The research is based on a content analysis of all the coverage of the 2001 and 2005 elections in seven Scottish and five English and UK daily morning newspapers, a critical discourse analysis of a sample of the coverage of the most mentioned issues in each campaign and a small set of interviews with Scottish political editors. As a framework for its analysis, this thesis focuses on theories of national identity and deliberative democracy in the media. It finds that the coverage of elections in the two countries has a similar issue agenda, however Scottish newspapers appear less interested in the UK aspect of the elections and include debates on Scottish affairs which are discussed in isolation, within an exclusively Scottish mediated space. These issues are constructed as particularly relevant to a Scottish readership through references to the nation, inclusive modes of address to the reader and the inclusion of exclusively Scottish sources, which contrast with the Scottish coverage of “UK” issues. This distinction between “Scottish” and “UK” topics emerges as the key differentiating factor in the discursive construction of election issues in the Scottish press, rather than that between devolved and reserved issues. Newspapers in England on the other hand, report on the two campaigns without taking into consideration the post-devolution political reality. These core questions are contextualized within the thesis by reference to relevant dimensions of Scottish culture and politics, and interpreted in the light of events since 2005.