The intention of this study is to investigate the role St. Augustine has contributed as a North African Church Historian. In order to archive the intention of this study one of the most significant works that Augustine wrote the City of God is going to be used as a literature review. The City of God is originally written to defend the church against charges of being responsible for the destruction of the city of Rome in 410 CE; the City of God has come to stand as a monument to theological reflection on the history of God’s creation. Though not primarily a historian, Augustine has made a significant contribution to the study of Christian history. He raises scripture to become the source of the meaning of history and defines the only true history as sacred history. This study considers Augustine’s critique of the Church catholic, the meaning of history, the origins of the City of God, Augustine’s views on the philosophy and theology history and the prophetic nature of biblical history. The first part of the study will trace the early life struggle of Augustine in his quest for knowledge and the truth. He learnt rhetoric studies; he examined the Holy Scriptures and found them unworthy. Then he was a follower of the Manicheans, but he was disillusioned when he met their sophistical leader Faustus. Finally, bishop Ambrose of Milan in his allegorical interpretation and explanation of scripture and the influence of Christian Neoplatonism helped Augustine to find an approach to the Bible and to overcome his difficulties with his childhood religion. Ambrose led him to the verge of conversion. Augustine’s impact on Reformation is considered. He is a father of the Church who has exerted an unparalleled influence on more than the thousand years that separated him from the birth of Protestant churches, but that long period is not an empty space because his historical work was influential throughout this period. In a movement to renew and reform the Church the various Reformers of the sixteenth century like Martin Luther and John Calvin studied Augustine in order to challenge abuses within the Catholic Church. The influence and the legacy that Augustine had on other people is discussed as the final conclusion of the study. The ideas, which he phrased with great skill, were to be accepted by almost all the leading thinkers of Europe until after the Enlightenment in the eighteenth century. Augustine had made much of being the Catholic bishop of Hippo. / Dissertation (MTh (Church History))--University of Pretoria, 2008. / Church History and Church Policy / unrestricted

The intention of this study is to investigate the role St. Augustine has contributed as a North African Church Historian. In order to archive the intention of this study one of the most significant works that Augustine wrote the City of God is going to be used as a literature review. The City of God is originally written to defend the church against charges of being responsible for the destruction of the city of Rome in 410 CE; the City of God has come to stand as a monument to theological reflection on the history of God’s creation. Though not primarily a historian, Augustine has made a significant contribution to the study of Christian history. He raises scripture to become the source of the meaning of history and defines the only true history as sacred history. This study considers Augustine’s critique of the Church catholic, the meaning of history, the origins of the City of God, Augustine’s views on the philosophy and theology history and the prophetic nature of biblical history. The first part of the study will trace the early life struggle of Augustine in his quest for knowledge and the truth. He learnt rhetoric studies; he examined the Holy Scriptures and found them unworthy. Then he was a follower of the Manicheans, but he was disillusioned when he met their sophistical leader Faustus. Finally, bishop Ambrose of Milan in his allegorical interpretation and explanation of scripture and the influence of Christian Neoplatonism helped Augustine to find an approach to the Bible and to overcome his difficulties with his childhood religion. Ambrose led him to the verge of conversion. Augustine’s impact on Reformation is considered. He is a father of the Church who has exerted an unparalleled influence on more than the thousand years that separated him from the birth of Protestant churches, but that long period is not an empty space because his historical work was influential throughout this period. In a movement to renew and reform the Church the various Reformers of the sixteenth century like Martin Luther and John Calvin studied Augustine in order to challenge abuses within the Catholic Church. The influence and the legacy that Augustine had on other people is discussed as the final conclusion of the study. The ideas, which he phrased with great skill, were to be accepted by almost all the leading thinkers of Europe until after the Enlightenment in the eighteenth century. Augustine had made much of being the Catholic bishop of Hippo. / Dissertation (MTh)--University of Pretoria, 2007. / Church History and Church Policy / MTh / Unrestricted

La thèse présente la doctrine de la grâce mise de l'avant dans la Response aux calomnies d'Albert Pighius (RCAP), publiée en 1543 par Jean Calvin, afin de savoir si, d'après le réformateur, l'élu peut résister à la grâce de Vinitium fidei. Une autre question consiste à savoir si l'absence d'usage de la racine « irresistibil- » dans les contextes d'emploi du mot « gratia », chez le réformateur, nous oblige à considérer anachronique l'usage - en études calviniennes - du syntagme « grâce irrésistible » popularisé environ un siècle plus tard. Selon nous, la notion de grâce irrésistible constitue, chez Calvin, le corollaire de la notion de serf arbitre. Évolution terminologique ne signifie pas discontinuité. L'approche historique sous-tend notre recherche dont la RCAP, en ses versions française et latine, représente la source principale. Nous avons aussi tenu compte des autres ouvrages calviniens d'importance majeure pour le thème, dont les versions latine (1539) et française (1541) de l'Institution chrétienne, de même que du De libero hominis arbitrio et de gratia divina (DLHA) de Pighius. Deux chapitres de mise en contexte sont suivis de deux autres consacrés à l'analyse de la RCAP, faisant intervenir l'information d'incidence peccatologique et sotériologique. Un dernier chapitre nous a permis d'effectuer la synthèse thématique de l'information recueillie. Les passages les plus pertinents renvoient au De correptione et gratia d'Augustin, dans le cadre duquel sont distinguées la grâce résistible de l'économie adamique prélapsaire et la grâce de l'économie chrétienne - irrésistible - qui assure infailliblement le salut et à laquelle les élus ne peuvent résister. Sont soulignés le caractère irrésistible de l'inspiration secrète, de l'appel intérieur et de l'attrait spirituel, le lien entre l'irrésistibilité de Yinitium fidei et la doctrine de la sanctification, puis son incidence sur la piété chrétienne. La présente étude nous amène à constater que, selon l'enseignement de la RCAP de Jean Calvin, les élus ne peuvent résister à la grâce de l'initium fidei. L'usage du syntagme « grâce irrésistible » n'est donc pas anachronique. En outre, la nécessité d'une traduction plus fidèle du terme « arbitrium » dans les textes théologiques de la Réformation a été mise en lumière

Thesis (DTh)--Stellenbosch University, 2002 / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: JOHN CALVIN is said to have played a significant role not only in the shaping of Western Christianity, but also in the shaping of Western culture. An adequate appreciation of his thought therefore remains of ongoing significance. In the history of Calvin scholarship, varied interpretations of him have been presented, though in the recent past there has been a growing disinclination towards presenting a coherent exposition of his thought. In the context of these disintegrative proposals, a counter-argument is presented for the viability and desirability of a comprehensive construal of Calvin's thought along historical-theological lines. The argument primarily takes shape by locating Calvin within the sixteenth century intellectual milieu, and particularly by means of uncovering the epistemological consciousness of the Reformation period in reaction to the Renaissance revival of scepticism. The nature of human knowledge, particularly of God, was at the forefront of the sixteenth-century intellectual debate. Calvin, reformer and humanist, was particularly sensitive to this climate, as is illustrated by the Institutia which took the form of a discourse on knowing. However, the theme of knowing God on the basis of Scriptural revelation alone is prevalent in all his work, as an investigation into his neglected writings confirms. It also emerges that the kind of knowledge that Calvin advanced was experimental in nature and Trinitarian in foundation. Experientia and certitude disclosed the dynamic and proof of knowing God on an economic-Trinitarian and soteriological basis. This aspect of Calvin's thought has been overlooked in spite of its relevance to the contemporary post-Kantian crisis of knowing. Having sketched the epistemological background, Calvin's Trinitarian doctrina is examined. A historical-theological orientation to the doctrine provides the framework for appreciating Calvin's axiomatic exposition of the Trinity in the history of doctrinal formulation. Calvin's Trinitarian doctrina is unpacked by means of a historical review in relation to his Trinitarian debates, and by means of its definitive exposition in the 1559 Institutio. Through these, it becomes apparent that he displayed a hitherto mostly unrecognised theological acumen in assimilating Western (Augustinian) and Eastern (Cappadocian) aspects of Trinitarian doctrine due to his exegetical priority. What emerges is a Trinitarian doctrine that affirms God's Triunuy and translates into God's Person-al knowability. This thesis is confirmed by a discussion of Calvin's Trinitarian explication of the Christian life, and is shown to complement the previously highlighted emphasis on knowing. Recovering Calvin's Trinitarian doctrina is therefore of great consequence to post-Enlightenment and contemporary theological debates on God and the Trinity. It naturally follows that both Trinity and certitude were woven into the fabric of Calvin's God-centred hermeneutics. All of his exegetical labour, from Commentary to Instiuaio to Preaching, was focused on hearing the voice of the Triune God speaking in the Word under the sure guidance of the Holy Spirit. The final presentation of a comprehensive interpretation of Calvin is viewed in the light of the transmission of Reformed theology. Knowing the Triune God has the power to confirm and rejuvenate Calvin's theological vision amongst those who view him as their progenitor. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: DIT IS al van Calvyn gese dat hy 'n beduidende rol gespeel het, nie aileen met bettekking tot die vorming van die Westerse Christendom nie, maar ook wat betref die hele Westerse kultuur. 'n Toereikende evaluering van sy denke is dus steeds van belang. Binne die omvang van Calvyn navorsing is daar alreeds 'n verskeidenheid van interpretasies van Calvyn aangebied, hoewel daar 'n toenemende teensin teen die voorlegging van 'n samehangende uiteensetting van Calvyn in die onlangse verlede na vore gekom het. In die konteks van hierdie laasgenoemde standpunte word 'n teenargument aangebied vir die uitvoerbaarheid en ook die wenslikheid van 'n omvattende uitlegging van Calvyn se denke, in ooreenstemming met 'n histories-teologiese grondslag. Calvyn word binne die sestiende-eeuse intellektuele mileu geplaas deur die epis temologiese denke van die Reformasie as reaksie teen die Renaissance oplewing van skeptisisme bloot te Ie. Die aard van menslike kennis, veral die mens se kennis van God, was op die voorpunt van die sestiende-eeuse intellektuele debat, en Calvyn as, hervormer en humanis was baie bewus van hierdie debat. Dit blyk o.m. duidelik uit die lnstitutio wat die vorm van 'n diskoers oor kennis tentoonstel. Die tema van Godskennis, vanuit 'n Skriftuurlike openbaring as enigste grondslag, tree na vore rue net in die Instiuaio nie, maar in al sy werke. Dit blyk ook uit 'n ondersoek van selfs sy minder bekende werke. Uit die ondersoek kom dit ook na vore dat die tipe kennis wat Calvyn bevorder het, eksperimenteel en Triniter van aard was. Experientia en sekerheid word die bevestiging van Godskennis op 'n ekonomies-Trinitere en soteriologiese basis. Hierdie aspek van Calvyn se denke is misken ten spyte van die belangrikheid daarvan vir die post- Kantiese kennis-krisis. Nadat die epistemologiese agtergrond geskets is, word Calvyn se Triniteitsleer [doctrina} ontleed. 'n Histories-teologiese grondslag vir hierdie leers telling verskaf die raamwerk waarbinne Calvyn se unieke uiteensetting van die Drie-Eenheid in die historiese verloop van dogmatiese formulering waardeer kan word. Calvyn se Triniteitsleer (doctrina) word uiteengesit na aanleiding van sy Triniteits-debatvoering, en na aanleiding van die bepalende uitleg daarvan in die 1559 Insiiuaio. Op hierdie wyse word dit duidelik dat Calvyn as gevolg van sy eksegetiese prioriteit 'n tot op hede grootliks onvermelde insig getoon het in die vereniging van die Westerse (Augustiniese) en Oosterse (Kappadosiese) Triniteits-leerstellinge. Wat aan die lig kom is 'n Triniteits-leerstelling wat God se Drie-Eenbaarheid bevestig, en wat voortvloei in 'n weergawe van God se Persoon-like kenbaarheid. Hierdie tesis word gestaaf deur 'n naspeuring van Calvyn se Triniteits-uiteensetting van die Christelike lewe. Daar word ook aangetoon hoe hierdie standpunte die voorvermelde nadruk op kennis bevestig. Die herontdekking van Calvyn se Triniteitsleer (doctTina) is dus van groot belang vir die post-Verligting en konternporere teologiese debatte oor God en die Drie-Eenheid. Beide Drie-Eenbeid en seeerbeid is ten nouste verweef met Calvyn se God-gesentreerde hermeneutiek. Die somtotaal van sy eksegetiese werk, van Kommentaar na Institutio na Prediking, was daarop gefokus om die stem van die Drie-Enige God onder leiding van die Heilige Gees te hoor. Die poging tot 'n omvattende interpretasie van Calvyn word uiteindelik in die lig van die voortgang van Gereformeerde Teologie beskou. "Om die Drie-enige God te ken" is dus 'n integrerende motief wat Calvyn se teologie bevestig en ook sy werk besonder aktueel maak vir die hedendaagse teologiese debat.

Thesis (DTh)--Stellenbosch University, 2003 / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The aim of this research is neither to compare the theologies of Augustine and Calvin, nor to establish a theory that reveals Augustine's influence on Calvin's theology. This research, rather, endeavours to set up a bridge between two types of study on Calvin, namely studies on Calvin's use of Augustine and of Augustine's influence on Calvin's writings. In other words, our main purpose is to suggest a basic tool (or information) for further studies. Three related questions are asked: I. What comprises Augustine's uniqueness in Calvin's writings? 2. Who is Calvin's Augustine? 3. What is the relevance of this study to current research on Calvin? In Chapter 2, a brief history of earlier research regarding discussion on Calvin and Augustine from the beginning of the zo" century is presented. Then critical conversations follow. These conversations concerning our theme involve three important scholars, namely L Smits, R J Mooi and J M J Lange van Ravenswaay. Finally, a need for a converging method which has the possibility of overcoming some methodological problems that arise in studies on Calvin and Augustine is expressed. In the third chapter, the use that Calvin makes of Augustine in his own works from the first period of his writing career to the last, fifth, period is thoroughly studied (1532- 1565). Chapter 4 deals with data analyses. In between the analysis of static data and the analysis of dynamic data, Smits's study of Augustinian citations in Calvin's writings is dealt with critically to provide a basic understanding of Augustinian citations. Finally, the answers to the three related questions that are suggested in the introduction are pursued: What comprises Augustine's uniqueness in Calvin's writings? Who is Calvin's Augustine? And what is the relevance of this study to current research on Calvin. The answers will function as a bridge between the two related studies of Calvin's use of Augustine and Augustine's influence on Calvin. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die doel van hierdie navorsing is nie om die teologie van Augustinus en die van Calvyn te vergelyk nie en ook nie om 'n teorie daar te stel wat die invloed wat Augustinus op Calvyn se teologie uitgeoefen het, sal ontbloot nie. Die navorsing poog eerder om 'n brug op te rig tussen twee soorte studies oor Calvyn, naamlik studies oor Calvyn se gebruik van Augustinus en oor Augustinus se invloed op die skryfwerk van Calvyn. Ons hoof doel is met ander woorde om 'n basiese werktuig (of inligting) vir verdere studie voor te stel. Drie fundamentele vrae word gevra: I. Waarin Ie die uniekheid van Augustinus in Calvin se geskrifte? 2. Wie is Calvyn se Augustinus? 3. Op hoe 'n manier is hierdie studie relevant ten opsigte van huidige navorsing oor Calvyn? In Hoofstuk 2 word 'n kort geskiedenis van vroeer navorsmg aangaande bespreking oor Calvyn en Augustinus, vanaf die begin van die 20ste eeu, aangebied. Dan volg kritiese gesprekke. Hierdie gesprekke ten opsigte van ons tema betrek drie belangrike geleerdes, naamlik L Smits, R J Mooi en J M J Lange van Ravenswaay. Aan die einde word 'n behoefte uitgespreek vir 'n samevloeiende metode wat moontlik sommige metodologiese probleme wat in die bestudering van Calvyn en Augustinus na yore kom, sal oorbrug. In die derde hoofstuk word Calvyn se gebruikmaking van Augustinus in sy eie werk vanaf die eerste tydperk van sy skryfloopbaan tot die laaste, vyfde, deeglik bestudeer (1532-1565). Hoofstuk 4 behandel data-analise. Tussen die analise van statiese data en die analise van dinamiese data word Smits se studie van Augustiniaanse aanhalings in Calvyn se geskrifte krities behandel om 'n basiese begrip van Augustiniaanse aanhalings te verskaf. Uiteindelik word die antwoorde op die drie verwante vrae wat in die inleiding voorgestel word, nagespeur: I. Waarin Ie die uniekheid van Augustinus in Calvin se geskrifte? 2. Wie is Calvyn se Augustinus? 3. Op hoe 'n manier is hierdie studie relevant ten opsigte van huidige navorsing oor Calvyn? Die antwoorde sal as 'n brug tussen die twee verwante studies oor Calvyn se gebruikmaking van Augustinus en Augustinus se invloed op Calvyn dien.

Thesis (PhD)--Stellenbosch University, 2013. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This study is a historical-theological inquiry into the social thought of John Calvin through the lens of the “Calvin” of the church struggle with the purpose of recovering his doctrines of two kingdoms and natural law for Christianity and culture discourse in South Africa today. This thesis enters into conversation with a body of scholarship in North America that has sought to recover and refine these early Reformed theological categories, which is suggestive of their promise in other contexts. Is there perhaps a compelling alternative to the apartheid and antiapartheid “transformationist” reading of Calvin, which might provide some resolution to his contested legacy as well as more adequately equip the church as it engages the challenges of life in South Africa’s young democracy? In order to answer such questions, this thesis sets out on the road back to Calvin through the lens of his appropriation in the church struggle, with the hope of gaining instruction in cultivating a more faithful historical hermeneutic. Once in sixteenth-century Geneva, both the theology and practice of Calvin’s social thought are examined for evidence of substantive doctrines of two kingdoms and natural law. The findings of this historical inquiry generate the claims of this thesis. Central among them is that Calvin did make constructive and meaningful use of the doctrines of two kingdoms and natural law in relating Christianity and culture, church and civil magistrate. Herein lies a different portrait of Calvin, which challenges his previous appropriations in the South African context and offers fresh theological resources for critical reflection in ongoing Christianity and culture discourse. To provide a sense of their ongoing promise, this thesis outlines the major contours of North American theologian and ethicist, David VanDrunen’s, development of the Calvin-informed and early Reformed two kingdoms and natural doctrines as a normative paradigm for Christians living in South Africa today. When considered against the backdrop of Calvin’s contested legacy and the challenges presented by South Africa’s young liberal democracy, this paradigm offers liberating trajectories for the Reformed churches today, and therefore potential for reformation and renewal by “goods” already constituting its broader historic tradition. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie is ’n histories-teologiese ondersoek na die sosiale denke van Johannes Calvyn deur die lens van die “Calvyn” van die strydende kerk, met die doel om sy twee doktrines van twee koninkryke en natuurwet vir die Christendom te herwin asook vir die kultuur-diskoers in Suid- Afrika, vandag. Hierdie tesis tree in gesprek met ’n groep vakkundiges in Noord-Amerika wat streef om hierdie vroeë Gereformeerde teologiese kategorieë te herwin en te verfyn, wat op sigself belowend is in ander kontekste. Is daar dalk ‘n aangrypende alternatief vir die apartheid en anti-apartheid “transformatoriese” lees van Calvyn, wat dalk ’n mate van oplossing vir sy betwiste nalatenskap kan bied, asook om die kerk meer doelmatig toe te rus waar dit betrokke raak by die uitdagings van die lewe in die jong demokrasie van Suid-Afrika? Om hierdie vrae te beantwoord, hebesoek die tesis Calvyn se erfenis deur die lens van sy resepsie tydens die kerklike strud teen apartheid, met die hoop om sodoende ‘n meer getroue historiese hermeneutiek te ontwikkel. Eens terug in sestiende eeuse Genève, word sowel Calvyn se teologie as die praktiese uitvoering van sy sosiale denke ondersoek vir bewyse van die substantiewe doktrines van twee koninkryke en natuurwet. Die bevindings van hierdie historiese ondersoek genereer die bewerings van hierdie tesis. Sentraal in hierdie bewerings is dat Calvyn konstruktief en betekenisvol gebruik gemaak het van die doktrines van twee koninkryke en natuurwet in sover dit relevant is tot die Christendom en kultuur, kerk en burgerlike wetgewing. Hierin lê ’n ander beeld van Calvyn, wat sy vorige toe-eiening in die Suid-Afrikaanse konteks uitdaag, asook om vars teologiese middele vir kritiese refleksie in die voortdurende Christelike en kultuur diskoers aan te bied. Om ’n smakie van die volgehoue belofte te gee, bied hierdie tesis ’n oorsig van die hooflyne van die Noord-Amerikaanse teoloog en etikus, David VanDrunen se ontwikkeling van die Calvyn-invloed en vroeë Gereformeerde twee koninkryke en natuur doktrines as ’n normatiewe paradigma vir Christene wat vandag in Suid-Afrika woon. Wanneer hierdie paradigma teen die agtergrond van Calvyn se betwiste nalatenskap en die uitdagings wat Suid-Afrika se jong demokrasie bied, gestel word, dui dit ’n bevrydende rigting vir die Gereformeerde kerke van vandag aan en daarom potensiaal vir reformasie en hernuwing deur ‘goedere’ wat reeds die breë geskiedkundige tradisie onderskryf.

The meditation Sinner and beggar of Noordmans is used as a heuristic instrument to conduct a critical theological inquiry into the relationship between standard of living and the forgiveness of sins in the Reformed tradition. According to Noordmans the beggar (Lazarus in Luke 16:19-31) unlike the sinner (the tax collector in Luke 18:9-14) repents not only in a brief moment, but testifies with the totality of his existence to his heavenly inheritance. The intimate relation between physical suffering and salvation that Noordmans deducts from the parables, is compared with the parable interpretations of a few selected commentators. The content of his meditation is analysed against the background of his theological thought in general. Noordmans’s critique on the views of Pierson and the Heidelberg Catechism, Sunday 10, on Providence is placed in perspective by Calvin’s general guidelines on the correct use of earthly comforts. The connection between Calvin and contemporary society is brought about by examining exponents of neo-Calvinism (Kuyper) and Liberation theology (Gutiérrez). The perspectives on the relation between standard of living and the forgiveness of sins of Heyns, Bosch and Mofokeng are investigated to verge upon the Southern African situation. The particular angles of interlocutors on creation, eternal life and responsibility with regard to the relationship between standard of living and forgiveness of sins are systematically scrutinized. From this analysis a B&S-SCHEME (beggar-and-sinner-scheme) evolves – an aid to a more nuanced reflection on theological propositions concerning the relationship between standard of living and the forgiveness of sins. / Thesis (DD)--University of Pretoria, 2005. / Dogmatics and Christian Ethics / unrestricted

This study presents a comparative approach between the time of the Belgic Confession and of the Korean Church under Japanese rule. Both the early Low Countries and Korea received Protestantism through martyrdom and persecution. During the sixteen century the Low Countries were under the Spanish rule. The Low Countries were deeply influenced by the Reformation. Many historians have noted that the people in the Low Countries suffered persecutions on the basis of their nationality and religious beliefs by the Roman Catholic Church and the Spanish government. The heroes of the Low Countries were William of Orange, the political leader of his native country, and Guido de Bres a religious leader. William of Orange, and his son, Maurice of Orange, accomplished their country’s political independence with outstanding leadership. Guido de Bres was a travelling preacher who preached the gospel in the Low Countries. He drafted the Belgic Confession. It is authorized as one of the most wonderful Reformed confessions. Korea received the gospel through the Western missionary R. J. Thmoas. Korea was under Japanese rule since the end of the nineteen century. Korean Christianity helped the Korean people when the Koreans were oppressed. From the late 1920s, the Japanese forced Koreans in Shinto Shrine Worship. Shinto Shrine Worship was the worship of the King of Japan. The Korean people could not accept Shinto Shrine Worship. Korean Christians judged Shinto Shrine Worship to be idol worship and opposed it. However, Korean Protestants abandoned their faith, due to the Japanese’ threat of military power. Some pastors resisted Shinto Shrine Worship. Pastor Joo Ki-Chul was a leader of the resistance and died for his faith. There are similarities and differences between the struggle of the Low Countries and Korea. Both the early Low Countries and early Korean Church produced spiritual martyrs like Guido de Bres and Joo Ki-Chul. They were martyrs, patriots and preachers. In both countries Christians faced horrible persecutions by the ruling tyrants. But while the Low Countries struggled for their independence to the end, most Korean Christians had to desert their faith in the face of continued pressure from the Japanese. In spite of this some Korean Christians remained strong till the bitter end. The Low Countries’ religious persecution came to an end, but North Korea’s Christians are still suffering under the communist regime. In spite of terrible persecution by the communist government, there are many Christians in underground churches who long for religious and political freedom. / Dissertation (MA(Theol))--University of Pretoria, 2011. / Church History and Church Policy / unrestricted

Afrikaans: Die sogenaamde "eenvoudige" belydenis waardeur kinders moet kwalifiseer om aan die nagmaal te mag deelneem binne die verband van die Nederduits Gereformeerde Kerk, spruit vanuit die Zwingliaanse belydenis rakende die teenwoordigheid van die Here in die nagmaal. Wat die Nederduitse Gereformeerde Kerk voorhou as nuwe eksegetiese insigte in die nagmaalstekste, sowel as 'n nuwe Bybelse teologie ten opsigte van die gebruik van die nagmaal deur kinders, is die ou eksegetiese insigte van Zwingli, sowel as die ou bekende teologie van Zwingli aangaande die Here se teenwoordigheid in die nagmaal. Deur kinders met 'n sogenaamde "eenvoudige" belydenis tot die nagmaal toe te laat, het die Nederduitse Gereformeerde kerk die nagmaalsopvatting in sy eie belydenisse verwerp ten gunste van die Zwingliaanse nagmaalsopvatting wat uitdruklik in die Nederduitse Gereformeerde Kerk se belydenisse verwerp word. Die Nederduitse Gereformeerde Kerk beoefen en leer nou die nagmaalsopvatting van Zwingli, onder die vaste oortuiging dat dit die Gereformeerde nagmaalsopvatting is, met slegs 'n nuwe toepassing ten opsigte van die kinders. Binne in die Nederduitse Gereformeerde Kerk se besluit om kinders deur 'n sogenaamde eenvoudige belydenis tot die nagmaal toe te laat, was daar 'n ander besluit opgesluit: die besluit oor wie die teenwoordige Here Jesus in die nagmaal sou wees. Hierdie besluit oor wie die teenwoordige Here Jesus in die nagmaal sou wees, was die onderskeidende en die bepalende vraag aangaande beide die inhoud en die bediening van die nagmaal vir onder andere Calvyn gewees. Calvyn se reaksie as antwoord hierop was dat ons almal in en deur die nagmaal deel verkry aan die teenwoordige mens-wees van Jesus Christus. Hierdeur word Calvyn se nagmaalsopvatting onderskei van die nagmaalsopvatting van Zwingli. Die Gereformeerde Kerke het die belydenis van Calvyn oor wie die teenwoordige Here Jesus in die nagmaal is, aanvaar in hul geloofsbelydenisse, waarmee hulle die nagmaalsopvatting van Zwingli uitdruklik verwerp het. Die Nederduitse Gereformoorde Kerke het homself in geen deel van die debat of besluite oor die teenwoordige mens-wees van die Here Jesus in die nagmaal verantwoord nie. Die kindemagmaal het die deelname van die gelowige aan die teenwoordige mens¬-wees van die Here verIore laat raak as deel van die geloofsbelewenis van die nagmaal. In die plek van die teenwoordige mens-wees van die Here Jesus het die Nederduitse Gereformeerde Kerk gekies vir gelowiges se deelname aan die gemeente se sosiale en godsdienstige samesyn. Die samesyn van die verbondsgesin en selgroepe het die geloofsgemeenskap met die teenwoordige mens-wees van die Here Jesus in die nagmaal vervang. Sonder die verskuiwing van die nagmaalsopvatting van Calvyn en die Gereformeerde kerke na die nagmaalsopvatting van Zwingli, sou die Nederduitse Gereformeerde Kerk nie kinders met ‘n sogenaamde "eenvoudige" geloofsbelydenis tot die nagmaal kon toelaat nie. Hierdie verskuiwing was nodig ten opsigte van die instelling van die kindernagmaal in die Nederduitse Gereformeerde Kerk. English: The so-called "simple" confession through which children should qualify in order for them to participate in communion within the framework of the Dutch Reformed Church, originates from the Zwinglian confession concerning the presence of the Lord in communion. What the Dutch Reformed Church presents as the new exegetical insights within the scripture references regarding the communion, as well as a new Biblical theology on behalf of the participation in communion by children, is the ancient exegetical insights of Zwingli, as well as the ancient known theology of Zwingli concerning the presence of the Lord within communion. By allowing children, with a so-called "simple" testimony, to the communion, the Dutch Reformed Church rejected the concept regarding the communion in its own confessions, in favour of the Zwinglian concept regarding the communion, which is expressly rejected in the confessions of the Dutch Reformed Church. The Dutch Reformed Church currently practices and teaches the concept regarding the communion according to Zwingli, under the firm conviction that this is the Reformed conviction regarding the communion, with only a new application on behalf of the children. Within the decision of the Dutch reformed Church to allow children by way of a so¬-called simple confession to participate in communion, another decision was intrinsically included: the decision regarding who the present Lord Jesus within the communion would be. This decision regarding who the present Lord Jesus within the communion would be, was the discerning and determining question regarding both the content, as well as the ministry of the communion for amongst others, Calvin. Calvin's reaction as reply to this was that all of us do obtain, in and through the communion, part in the present human-being of Jesus Christ. Through and due to this, the concept regarding the communion according to the teaching of Calvin is to be discerned from that of Zwingli. The Dutch Reformed Church has accepted in their faith creeds the confession pertaining to who the present Lord Jesus in the communion is, according to which they clearly rejected the concept regarding the communion according to the doctrines, which Zwingli supports. The Dutch Reformed Church has not yet justified himself in the decision regarding the present human-being of the Lord Jesus Christ within the communion. The children-communion caused the participation of the believer on behalf of the present human-being of the Lord Jesus Christ within the communion to be lost, being part of the faith experience of the communion. In the place of the present human-being of the Lord Jesus the Dutch Reformed Church chose for the participation of the believer on the social and religious fellowship of the congregation. The fellowship of the covenantal family, as well as the cell-groups, has replaced the faithful fellowship with the present human-being of the Lord Jesus Christ in the communion. Without the repositioning of the concept of Calvin and the Reformed Churches regarding the communion, towards the concept regarding the communion according to Zwingli, the Dutch Reformed Church would not allow children with a so-called "simple" confession of faith to participate in the communion These transfers were necessary on behalf of the institution of the communion for children within the Dutch Reformed Church. / Dissertation (MA (Theology))--University of Pretoria, 2007. / Dogmatics and Christian Ethics / unrestricted

This thesis explicates teh rebellion theories of three reowned Christian political thinkers and evaluates the extent that each can communicate an intelligible rebellion theory to a non-Christian audience. Augustine of Hippo, at a dawn of the medieval ages, John Calvin of Geneva during the Reformation and John Adams of the USA in the midst of the Enlightenment are the three thinkers selected for consideration. These thinkers have produced ideas that have transcended time and geographical location. Rebellion is an issue of the utmost political importance as it reveals the limits, and the first principles of politics. The issues surrounding the involovement of religion in politics have created a place for confusion in minds of many people today. The issues surrounding religion and politics need further elucidation. The way these thinkers were able to translate the divine command from Romans 13:1, which decrees an absolute prohibition against rebellion, into an intelligible rebellion theory to non-Christians, is an important consideration in this thesis. / ix, 158 leaves ; 28 cm.