The purpose of this paper is to give a descriptive history of the Republican party in Texas during the reconstruction period.

"No adequate history of the activities of the Texas state government during the Civil War has been written. Instead this phase of state history has been treated only in a limited manner in general state and Civil War histories. A history of the state government's functions and role during this period is essential to understanding Texas' development as a state and its place in the Confederacy. This work is an attempt to provide such a history. A study of the internal political affairs of Texas during the war years, this work begins with the movement toward secession and ends with the collapse of the state government and the establishment of military rule in Texas. Emphasis has been placed on revealing how the state government attempted to cope with the numerous problems which the war engendered and the futility of these attempts." -- p.iii

Both contemporary and modern critics recognize the industrial, regional, and personal conflicts in North and South. There are, however, other conflicts which Mrs. Gaskell treats and resolves. This study emphasizes inner struggles resulting from repressive Victorian sexual mores. An examination of conflicts at a deeper -level than has previously been attempted clarifies motivations of individual characters, reveals a conscious and unconscious pattern within the novel and gives a fuller appreciation of Mrs. Gaskell's psychological insight. Included for discussion are examples of the Victorian feminine stereotype and the use of religion as sexual sublimation. A major portion of the paper concerns the growth of the heroine, Margaret Hale, from repressed sexuality to an acceptance of womanhood in Victorian society.

The catalyst for the urban growth of Skipton during the formative period of the modern town between 1865 and 1914 was indigenous investment and organisational change in cotton textiles in the aftermath of the Cotton Famine. Railway investment also played an important, although lesser part. The process was facilitated notably by the relaxation of policy on land tenure by the principal landowner and by the work of a well managed local authority. The resulting net in-migration, along with the internal redistribution of population necessitated by the extension of commercial and other services in the town centre, was accommodated by house building in clusters which were either aligned with or removed from the main factory sites. This gave rise to a distinctive pattern of social and spatial segregation, the distribution of which was governed principally by the need for factories to have access to water supplies for steam raising and condensing. Thus the canal corridor beyond the existing built-up area was subject to textile colonisation while wholly residential development was more closely associated with existing high status housing elsewhere. The study considers the processes involved in creating this pattern of development with particular reference to the values and activities of the principal decision-makers. It also discusses the resultant shift in power and influence from the principal landowner to the local authority and to industrial and commercial interests which increasingly were based outside the town. Arising from this a model of urban growth is proposed and tested against neighbouring small textile towns.

Identifica los elementos de tensión que están presentes tanto en la génesis como en el desarrollo del conflicto peruano-español de los años 1863-1865 durante el gobierno de Juan Antonio Pezet. Tales elementos de tensión imposibilitan que se lograra una solución pacífica de las diferencias de las partes involucradas, llevándolas al rompimiento de las hostilidades. Los elementos de tensión identificados se pueden clasificar en tres categorías: una primera que agrupa las tensiones al interior de las negociaciones diplomáticas, una segunda que agrupa las tensiones presentes durante la búsqueda por conseguir la superioridad militar en caso de ruptura de las hostilidades, y una tercera que agrupa las tensiones al nivel de la opinión pública como fiscalizadora de las negociaciones diplomáticas.

Digitized by Kansas Correctional Industries

Digitized by Kansas Correctional Industries

The Thirteenth and Fourteenth Amendments to the United States Constitution, which were ratified in the aftermath of the Civil War, abolished slavery, established national citizenship and made equality before the law a constitutional requirement. These national constitutional amendments brought revolutionary change to America's foundational law, but it was up to state and local legal actors to incorporate this change into the law that governed the everyday lives of Americans. The literature of Reconstruction legal history tends to place federal law, federal courts and federal legal actors at the center of the story. But in the nineteenth century, the federal judicial system was limited in its institutional capacity and its jurisdictional authority. State courts, on the other hand, were ubiquitous and possessed of expansive jurisdictional authority to hear cases arising under both state and federal law. Before the end of the nineteenth century, most Americans could spend their entire lives without encountering the federal legal system. On the other hand, county courts and the common law legal culture in which they existed were an integral part of their daily lives. This dissertation focuses on the state of North Carolina, examining how the state's legal actors articulated the meaning of freedom and incorporated it into their common law legal culture during Reconstruction. Engaging with recent literature that reconsiders the importance of the common as an ideology and mode of governance, this dissertation argues that the common law conceptualization of rights stood in contrast to the abstract, individual rights embodied in the U.S. Constitution. Common law rights were contextual, relational, and hierarchical. Further, common law principles centered around creating and maintaining good social order rather than protecting individual rights. Because the common law dominated nineteenth century legal culture, North Carolina legal actors could not simply impose the principles of the newly amended U.S. Constitution onto the existing legal order. Rather, to ensure their lasting legitimacy they had to integrate those principles into the existing common law legal culture. The process of integration began even before North Carolina ratified the Thirteenth Amendment. At the end of the war, Union army General John M. Schofield oversaw the administration of justice and the implementation of freedom in North Carolina through military commission proceedings over civilians. Even in these military tribunals the common law provided a common language and ideology through which northern military officials, North Carolinian citizens and North Carolina lawyers could contest the precise meaning of freedom. Once civilian courts resumed their authority, North Carolinians continued throughout Reconstruction to refine the meaning of freedom and to incorporate the new constitutional values in the language of the common law. By focusing on the local implementation of constitutional change, this dissertation sheds light on how Americans experienced emancipation and freedom in their everyday lives. However, uncovering the common law context in which it developed aids our understanding of nineteenth century constitutional doctrine as well.

Missionary zeal in Washington, D.C. was at its height during the two decades following the opening of the Civil War. Religious organizations and their affiliates descended upon the city as its black population swelled from 10,983 in 1860 to 48,377 in 1880 - one of the largest urban black populations in the United States. Ten years after the first missionaries of the American Missionary Association (AMA) began evangelizing in the District of Columbia, AMA teachers initiated the instruction of contraband, freedmen, and free blacks in the fundamentals of education. The mission was to retool and prepare blacks in the transition from slavery to freedom. Given the numerous milestones in understanding missionary work (labor) in the rural south, little has been said about missionary activities in urban/metropolitan south by historians whose foci has been the deep south, aspects of missionary duties, and notable personnel. This study focuses on one missionary organization that significantly contributed to the urbanization of blacks in Washington, D.C. - to determine the outcome of its work in the life of free men and women in the city and to understand the origins of its historical legitimacy and legacy. At the center of this study were more than five thousand American Missionary Association (AMA) digital frames of papers which provide a clear understanding of what took place during this critical period. From such papers, personnel, ideas, and occurrences can be closely followed to reconfigure the organization's past. Additionally, records of the Bureau of Refugees, Freedmen, and Abandoned Lands provided a more concise view of the AMA's effects on the black community of Washington. Combined with more traditional sources, those materials have broadened the way to a better understanding of the nature of the black experience and the factors which shaped that urban experience in Washington, D.C. after the Civil War. The enormity of the challenge was so great that a few missions and mission workers folded soon after they began - leaving those who most needed to be rescued to fend for themselves. For most missionaries, the call to mission work had a deeper meaning that was displayed in the inner sanctum of the organization's relief - in their efforts to normalize the lives of the freedmen and freemen with traditional institutions such as the schools, churches, and work. The inability of the AMA's mission work among the black community in Washington to make greater social, economic, and religious strides by the end of the Reconstruction Era, is tied to the uniqueness of Washington, D.C. and the organization; the shear size of the migration and nature of the city left an overwhelming void that was impossible to fulfill. Ultimately, it was those who were first responders that failed to provide comprehensive aid in the transition from slavery to freedom - to bring a permanent program that lifted blacks in Washington out of lower class bondage. The combination of staffing issues, poor administration, high mindedness, a burgeoning missionary field, and Republican influence did not allow the American Missionary Association to commit fully to lasting change among Washington, D.C.'s black population. Thus upon the exodus of missionaries and benevolent associations, those who made it to the "promised land" were left with nothin' but `ligion.

This thesis examines the promotion of California and Florida from 1869 to 1919, a period when both states were transformed from remote, under-populated locales into two of the most publicised states in America. Using an interdisciplinary approach which analyses cultural representations of the states within a broader socioeconomic context, the thesis traces how railroad and land companies, agriculturists, chambers of commerce, state agencies, and journalists fashioned new identities for California and Florida as Semi- Tropical American lands. As their boosters competed in a bid to attract settlers, tourists, and investors, they played upon republican and colonialist discourses within American society and expansion. Evoking ideas about race, climate, and environment, promoters depicted California and Florida as parts of a benign middle zone between an increasingly urban-industrial North and socially “primitive” tropics. At a time of traumatic industrial change, California and Florida promised American rebirth in nature, through renewing health and leisure, prosperous agriculture, and superior cities. The selling visions were created by and for white Americans, however, and focused on the “semi-tropical” benefits for Anglo visitors and residents. Ethnic and racial minorities were marginalised as romantic, unprogressive peoples who were best suited to manual labour roles which reinforced Anglo-American progress. The thesis thus argues that boosters alloyed republican ideals of independent living to processes of racial hierarchy, creating a seductive, expansionist imagery which sold semi-tropical California and Florida.