Neither the Union nor the Confederacy was prepared to care for the massive numbers of sick and wounded which occurred at the onset of the Civil War. While their surgeons benefited from the knowledge gained during the Crimean War regarding the cleanliness of military hospitals, the isolation of infection, and the use of the new general anesthetics, no facilities for their use existed in America. The Confederate Chief Surgeon, Samuel Preston Moore, had no entrenched medical bureaucracy to battle. By early 1862 he had formed a well-organized medical department and had many hospitals operational. His surgeons shared the problems of their northern colleagues: ignorance of the cause of infection, inadequate training, and untrained hospital personnel to care for the sick and wounded. What the South did not share with the North was alack of resources which was intensified by a naval blockade. This narrative thesis uses records from three Richmond hospitals of 1862-1865 to reveal the problems faced by all hospital personnel, and to address the question of responsibility for the high rates of hospital morbidity and mortality which occurred. It is technically oriented to give both physicians and laymen insight into the day to day triumphs and tragedies of these men and women who worked under nearly impossible conditions. / Master of Arts

During the early parts of the Civil War authorities created two distinct prisons, Old Capitol in Washington, D.C. and Castle Thunder in Richmond, Virginia. These institutions were reactions to an increase in prisoners of state. Confederate and Union officials established these prisons for this particular group: the disloyal. Although both structures held prisoners of war, the most vocal and prominent group of prisoners were civilians. The variety and character of both of these prisons are entirely unique in the annals of the war. The conglomeration of the young and old, rich and poor, male and female forced atypical social settings and class antagonisms. For the most part, governmental authorities took added interest in Old Capitol and Castle Thunder because of the distinctive characters of these prisons and the concurrent feelings that civil liberties should be preserved. Under constant scrutiny, both Congresses, along with prison and military officials, attempted to make sure the prisoners in these two capitals received good treatment. Inmates at these two prisons did receive above average treatment. In some instances, life in these institutions did not resemble incarceration. The heightened awareness of officials and prison superintendents were the primary reason for this good treatment. Yet officials in each state understood that these treasonous persons could be dangerous to each respective government. These feelings were not unwarranted, because many deserved confinement and punishment for their traitorous ways. / Master of Arts

Digitized by Kansas Correctional Industries

Digitized by Kansas State University Libraries

Call number: LD2668 .T4 1932 G51 / Master of Science

首論基督教來華傳教簡史，次述中國內地會所代表「福音派」傳教團體個案研究的意 義。再分別就創辦人戴德生早年生活，在華傳教活動，與中國內地會籌建經過；中國 內地會初創時期（一八六六∼七四）、茁壯時期（一八七五∼九○）、轉形時期（一 八九一∼一九二六）加以討探討。 由於中國內地會秉持不干擾在華各傳教團體原有工作；組織成員不分宗派國籍；民教 衝突不訴諸本國政府以求取報復；不自動募款籌措經費；傳教士皆著華服、習華語； 且主動協助中國教會自立、自傳、自養等特色。值得吾人認識其活動。期各應並瞭解 基督教傳教團體如何適應近代中國政治、經濟、社會等變遷之梗概。

Between 1900 and 1925 a score of young Southern historians graduated from Columbia University and quickly became the leading authorities on the subject of the Civil War and Reconstruction. Students of the eminent historian William A. Dunning, they included such influential authors as U. B. Phillips, Walter Lynwood Fleming, Charles W. Ramsdell, James W. Garner, and Joseph G. deRoulhac Hamilton. Producing over one-hundred works on the post-Civil War era, these Dunning students depicted Reconstruction as a time of horror for the South. A vindictive group of Northern Republicans, they argued, forced through Congress a series of Reconstruction acts designed to allow the inferior black man, only a few years out of "barbarism," the right to vote and to hold political office. Horrified by the presence of freedmen in politics, Dunning and his students insisted that the newly enfranchised Negroes, along with Northern carpetbaggers and Southern scalawags, began a decade of misrule through the former Confederate states by imposing exorbitant taxes on the landowning class and by squandering state treasures for selfish and criminal purposes. White Southerners became prosperous again, they concluded, only after political power returned securely to white hands. While the antipathy that these authors felt for American Negroes appeared frequently in their works, the major flaw in the writings of Dunning and his students lay not with their racial bias, but with their use of disreputable scholarship to justify that bias. Using history as a discipline to defend the status quo in 1900, members of the Dunning school distorted and fabricated factual information in order to exonerate the existence of segregation and disfranchisement during their lifetime. The historical scholarship of these authors, therefore, illustrates the enormous power historians exercise when justifying the contemporary beliefs of their era, but more importantly, it serves as a classic example of the problems inherent in presentist historical writing.

The purpose of this monograph is to study the early Texas Republican party within the framework of well-known political party functions, i.e., to provide political leadership, recruit governmental personnel, generate public policy, and propagate ideology.

This investigation resulted from a pilot research paper prepared in conjunction with a graduate course on the Civil War. This study suggested that the Federal blockade of the Confederacy may not have contributed significantly to its defeat. Traditionally, historians had assumed that the Union's Anaconda Plan had effectively strangled the Confederacy. Recent studies which compared the statistics of ships captured to successful infractions of the blockade had somewhat revised these views. While accepting these revisionist findings as broadly valid, this investigation strove to determine specifically the effectiveness of Admiral Farragut's West Gulf Blockading Squadron. Since the British Foreign Office maintained consulates in three blockaded southern ports and in many Caribbean ports through which blockade running was conducted, these consular records were vital for this study. Personal research in Great Britain's Public Record Office disclosed valuable consular reports pertaining to the effectiveness of the Federal blockade. American consular records, found in the National Archives in Washington, D.C. provided excellent comparative reports from those same Gulf ports. Official Confederate reports, contained in the National Archives, various state archives and in the published Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies revealed valuable statistical data on foreign imports. Limited use was made of Spanish and French consular records written from ports involved in blockade running. Extensive use was made of Senate and House documents in determining Federal blockade policy during the war. The record of the Navy's enforcement of the blockade was found in The Official Records of the Union and Confederate Navies. The contemporary reports of Union and Confederate governmental officials was found in James D. Richardson's respective works on The Messages and Papers, and in the published diaries of Gideon Welles and Gustavas Fox. Contemporary newspapers and first hand accounts by participants on both sides provided color and perspective. In evaluating the performance of the West Gulf Blockading Squadron, a review of the international laws governing blockading was undertaken, emphasizing America's traditional posture regarding the blockades of other nations. Under Gideon Welles, the Federal navy became a powerful and efficient force, although the navy's enforcement of the blockade often resulted in serious diplomatic embarrassment, especially from maritime incidents occurring near the mouth of the Rio Grande River. Nearby Matamoros, Mexico virtually became an international trade mart for Confederate cotton and imports. However, much contraband trade was conducted through blockaded Gulf ports such as Galveston, Texas. It is concluded that the West Gulf Blockading Squadron performed only satisfactorily at best. This did not result so much from innate limitations as from outside factors. Among the latter were the open door at Matamoros, the Lincoln administration's diplomatic timerity and national policies that authorized a type of cotton trade with the south. Further, the better vessels were assigned land campaign priorities. The statistics of the cotton trade in this portion of the Confederacy show that cotton exports were significantly high. Most of these exports egressed via Matamoros, but a high percentage existed through blockaded Gulf ports. The fact that 10,000 bales of cotton left the heavily guarded port of Galveston in the last six months of the war indicates the inefficiency of the West Gulf Blockade. It appears that the West Gulf Blockade was effective enough to create scarcity but never effective enough to seriously interdict the flow of trade. That the Trans-Mississippi Confederacy was largely sustained by imports underscores the blockade's limited effectiveness.

The Remembering, an original drama set in rural Georgia in 1864, is about three ex-slaves, two men and an old woman, all runaways, whose fictional encounter in a deserted church sets off a series of conflicts and, significantly, incidents of remembering past conflicts which lead them to an understanding of the war, slavery, freedom, and individual responsibility. Many of the events which the slaves, naive witnesses to a great moment in history when mobilized modern warfare was being born, and the nearby Union soldiers remember reflect upon the pervasiveness, speed, and destructiveness of the new campaign. The efforts of the characters to survive in that harsh and bitter war represent one of the primary concerns of this dramatic study.