The investigators do not preclude the possibility that there could be designed and built a water injection device that would operate under the conditions which were imposed on the Briggs' Vapor Jet for the purpose of this investigation. If, however, such a device be built, it is felt that it must be subject to controls of many kinds based on all the variables that affect the highly critical vapor injection problem. The complex nature of such a device makes it highly unlikely that it could find commercial use in the private automobile field. Water injection itself is apparently not more than just barely effective at the compression ratios now being used in passenger car engines. That, considered from both the viewpoint of increasing; the engine's power and performance and from the standpoint of economy, is largely responsible for the ineffectiveness of this Jet. The fact that this device can be mounted on any stock model car with a minimum of work, and that it will produce some results from an economic standpoint may justify its installation in cases where its effect on over-all engine operation and power are not too important. / M.S.

On the basis of the results obtained in this investigation, the following conclusions were drawn: 1. Midlothian coal was 31.3 percent liquefied by hydrogenation at atmospheric pressure and 185°C after 72 hours of reaction in a tetralin vehicle and using stannous sulfide as a catalyst. 2. The liquid product of the hydrogenation of Midlothian coal consisted of approximately 50 percent light oil boiling below 200°C., 20 percent middle oil, boiling from 205°C. to 235°C., and 30 percent heavy oil or tar residue. 3. The light oil fraction of the hydrogenated product of Midlothian coal consisted of 5 to 10 percent each of olefins and saturated hydrocarbons, with the remainder being aromatic compounds. 4. The rate of liquefaction of Midlothian coal by hydrogenation researched a nearly constant value of 0.41 grams of liquid product produced per 100 grams of coal per hour after 24 hours of reaction. 5. During the first 24 hours period of hydrogenation, the volatile matter content of the carbonaceous residue increased by 5.0 percent after which the volatile matter decreased by 6.2 percent during the following 48 hour period. 6. During the hydrogenation reaction of 72 hours the fixed carbon content of the coal was reduced by 18 percent. 7. During the latter 48 hours period of reaction, 65 percent of the liquefaction was from the volatile matter constituents and 35 percent of the liquidation was from the fixed carbon components. / M.S.

M.S.

M.S.

M.S.

This investigation was undertaken to further the work of Wagner who isolated coniferyl aldehyde by the treatment of wood with stannous chloride. An attempt has been made to determine whether or not coniferyl aldehyde can be obtained by the action of stannous chloride on two different lignin preparations, and thus answer the question as to whether Wagner’s coniferyl aldehyde came from the lignin of the wood or existed free in the wood. 1. It is unlikely that white pine lignin will yield coniferyl aldehyde when isolated and treated with stannous chloride according to the methods described in this investigation. 2. It is probable that Wagner’s coniferyl aldehyde existed free in the wood. / M.S.

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« Socrate, dit-on, n’allait pas à la tragédie », écrit Clément Rosset dans son livre Philosophie tragique. Selon la philosophe américaine Martha C. Nussbaum, c’est spécifiquement cette pulsion anti-tragique qui caractériserait la philosophie dès Platon. Au XIXe siècle, le Nietzsche de La naissance de la tragédie avait déjà déclaré le meurtre de la tragédie par la philosophie ; bien que Nussbaum soit généralement en accord avec le diagnostic du philosophe allemand, elle y apporte un élément novateur. De fait, elle voit dans la philosophie aristotélicienne une brèche dans la tradition : un contre-argument à la théorie platonicienne ainsi qu’une continuité de la pensée tragique. Premier penseur de la tragédie, Aristote accordait déjà une part importante à la fortune (tuchè) dans sa théorie éthique. Or, cette vulnérabilité ontologique, c’est-à-dire le fait que l’être humain soit jusqu’à un certain point à la merci de forces qui le dépassent, phénomène que nous tenterons de penser sous le mode de la teneur tragique de l’existence, serait précisément ce qui permettrait, selon notre auteure, de fonder une philosophie contemporaine « pleinement humaine ». Cependant, pour appréhender le tragique, l’être percevant doit présenter une organisation du monde lui permettant de le voir comme tel. Pour Nussbaum, cette reconfiguration du vécu serait possible par l’imagination ; plus spécifiquement, par la littérature. Plus encore, l’imagination morale ici proposée par notre auteur serait à proprement parler cette rencontre avec la composante fondamentalement tragique de la vie. Nous pouvons donc dire que, en s’appuyant sur la méthode aristotélicienne ainsi que sur l’expérience tragique, l’auteure se situe dans la tradition d’un questionnement sur la notion d’imagination morale, et y apporte une contribution riche et particulière. / “Socrates, it is said, did not attend to tragedies,” wrote Clement Rosset in his book Tragic Philosophy. According to the American philosopher Martha C. Nussbaum, it is specifically this anti-tragic impulse that has characterized philosophy since Plato. In the nineteenth century, the Nietzsche of The Birth of Tragedy had already declared the murder of tragedy by philosophy; although Nussbaum generally agrees with the diagnosis of the German philosopher, she adds an innovative element to it. Indeed, she sees in Aristotelian philosophy a breach in tradition: a counterargument to Platonist theory as well as a continuity of tragic thought. Aristotle, the first great thinker of tragedy, had already given an important role to fortune (tuchè) in his ethical theory. However, this ontological vulnerability, that is the fact that human beings are to a certain extent at the mercy of forces beyond their control, a phenomenon that we will try to think of as the tragic content of existence, would be precisely what, according to our author, would make it possible to found a contemporary philosophy that is “fully human”. However, in order to apprehend this tragic component, the perceiving being must present an organization of the world that allows him to see it as such. For Nussbaum, this reconfiguration of experience would be possible through imagination; more specifically, through literature. Moreover, the moral imagination hereby proposed by our author is, specifically, the encounter with life’s fundamentally tragic components. We can therefore say that, by relying on the Aristotelian method as well as on tragic experience, Nussbaum belongs to a tradition that addresses the notion of moral imagination and makes a rich and particular contribution to it.

The purpose of this dissertation was to examine the institutional history of Clark Wissler's professional career as an anthropologist and to determine his influence upon American social science in this context. By focusing on specific historical contexts in which Wissler affected social science research in America, the study attempted to show the extent of Wissler's influence and impact on the development of social science. As well, the study considered and offered an explanation of how Wissler became a relatively obscure figure in the history of American anthropology after a period of considerable impact on the discipline. Primary data for this study were several pieces of correspondence and personal papers in the collection of "Wissler Papers" at the Department of Anthropology, Ball State University, Muncie, Indiana.This study revealed that Clark Wissler occupied a unique position among American social scientists. That position Was unique in terms of Wissler's activities in a strictly institutional context as "Curator" of the American Museum of Natural History's Department of Anthropology; but more so, the position at the museum (one of the regional centers of American anthropology until the Second World War) led directly and indirectly to Wissler's influence upon social science research through ancillary positions with research foundations and institutes during the formative years of modern social science. What the study indicated, in this context, was that personal relationships often influenced ties between individuals in an institutional framework. Also, in the development of anthropology as an academic discipline in America, the more extensive that one's institutional network was -- in terms of personal and/or institutional ties, the more impact one had on ideological constructs and research trends.Furthermore, the study indicated that the extent and duration (from one generation of students to another) of a figure's impact on a discipline was dependent upon three factors -- politics, polemics, and progeny -- which were postulated as critical determinants of influence. That is, the study suggested and posited that influential figures in American anthropology were determined in a three-fold context: those one patronizes and is patronized by (politics); those trend-setters and organization officials that one agrees with and/or is thought of in association with (polemics); and those one proselytizes and converts to one's frame of reference, and thusly, who become disciples (progeny). All three contexts are in terms of personal relations that develop into institutional structures and functions, and thereby, determine one's influence and stature in an academic discipline.Thus, the study concluded that: 1) more than "ideas" are involved in the history of a social science discipline, namely anthropology; 2) Wissler, with an extensive institutional network but virtually no "progeny," was very influential among social scientists during his professional career, but he became a forgotten figure within twenty years of his death; 3) influence, in terms of historical "facts," must be determined in a. situational context that does not remove personalities and concrete personal relations from a holistic view of a specific cultural milieu.Extensive appendices to the dissertation provide primary data for further study in the history of anthropology, as well as support for contentions in the dissertation. As such, the dissertation, in itself, serves as a basis for further research.

Diss. : Geschichtswissenschaften : Giessen : 1982. - Bibliogr. p. 259-288. Index. -