Reproduction de : Thèse de doctorat : Histoire : Lyon 2 : 2006. / Titre provenant de l'écran-titre. Bibliogr.

Nowadays, the discourse tn Maeterlinck's dramas seems to be a web of faults concerning the story levels as well as the meanings. L'Organisation du recit dans Pelleas et Melisande de Maeterlinck analyses the text regarding these aspects which confer to the play a dreamlike character. The dream atmosphere is mainly suggested by a narrative background interfering into the plot: the symbolic message. / Our survey of the play tends to examine the paradoxal and incomplete nature of the events in their accounts. The reports also contain potential new facts and stories' material to be developped. It is the laborious introduction, the many repetitions and the unanswered questions that involve the play into the quest of a story. This process puts the reader into the experience of the theatre de l'attente. Consequently we suggest the following hypothesis: the audience, or the reader, does not assist to what the play seems to show, but to the symbolization of the characters' subconscious created by the story levels and intertextuality. The traditional scene is relegated far beyond the reality and the reflexive conclusion of the play reiterates the initial scene. / We think that the rehabilitation of the Ancestral Order creates a new potential narrative background--a story to come--since the play showed many motives borrowed to prior legends, the Bible, and other dramas. The symbolic complexity muddle up the play and converge mainly to draw a late feodal submission to fate.

The purpose of this study was to examine the political economic and social events that gave birth to a so-called fascist movement in Ireland during the early nineteen thirties. The study also attempted to explain the reasons for the failure of the movement. The members were called the "Blueshirts" and although they were significant in the political arena for only a few years there has never been a satisfactory explanation for their impact. Was it truly a fascist movement with the sinister potential of its sister political organizations on the continent? Or was it simply a short-lived reaction to what was called "the repressive policies" of the newly elected Fianna Fail government in 1932? Was their leader, General Eoin O'Duffy, attempting to overthrow parliamentary government? Or was he simply trying to solve the economic problems of Ireland that were the result of the world depression and the Anglo-Irish Economic War? Which, if either, was the explanation for Blueshirtism? In an attempt to answer these questions this writer began by putting the story in historical perspective.

Th.--Sci. économiques--Neuchâtel--Section des sciences commerciales, économiques et sociales, 1961.

Inaug.-Diss.--Heidelberg. / Vita. eContent provider-neutral record in process. Description based on print version record. Bibliography: p. i-xiii.

Thesis--Freie Universität Berlin. / Cover title. Includes bibliographical references (p. 252-262).

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Maryland, 1989. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 272-285).

Thesis (Ph. D.)--George Washington University, 1991. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 220-242).

一九四九年中華人民共和國成立，社會結構發生巨變，知識分子群體的階層身份與話語體系首當其衝受到劇烈衝擊--階層身份的重塑與話語體系的重構，需要盡快完成，以實現與社會主義意識形態的對接，為新政權服務。在這種情境下，高校歐美派自由主義知識分子群體對高校院系調整政策的集體抵制，觸發了建國以來中國共產黨對知識分子的第一場大規模思想改造運動。在這場以「洗澡」命名的改造運動中，毛澤東建構的「新」話語通过「批評與自我批評」的運動方式灌輸给被改造者，最終實現了對高校知識分子精英「舊」話語的全面替代。本文採取政治傳播學與話語研究相結合的研究視角，將這場發生於1951-1952年的中國知識分子思想改造運動嵌入時代发展的政治文化坐標，通過對中國傳統知識分子、五四知識分子話語體系的系譜梳理、展現毛澤東建構下的「新-舊」知識話語間的話語創新、重合與對抗，並通過改造運動中這套「新」話語之於知識分子群體思想与話語的改造，展示出建國初期毛治下知識分子思想改造運動中的話語傳播手段與權力運用策略。本文認為，毛澤東通過「破舊」與「立新」兩大步驟，以「階級論」為核心、聯合「人民」與「革命」兩大強勢話語，對「知識」及「知識分子」重下定義，創造出一套「新」的「紅色」知識話語體系，成為毛治下整體性的、無所不包的意識形態解釋體系。具體到知識分子改造實踐中，該話語運用「階級」的概念將知識分子與底層民眾的權力地位反轉，並通過將「階級」與中國傳統文化中的道德相關聯，激發知識分子的「原罪感」，加之群眾運動中不斷激化的「污名化」、暴力語言和對毛「先知」話語的崇拜等話語現象，致使高校知識分子群體紛紛與過去的知識話語體系決裂。然而，毛建構的「紅色」話語體系，是建立在脫離社會實際的「表達性現實」基礎上的，儘管隨著毛澤東這一話語權威核心的消失，整套話語體系也隨之崩塌，但運動對於知識分子群體話語、思想與精神的衝擊，成為當時崇尚「獨立之思考、自由之精神」的知識分子精英群體所共同面臨的話語困境，也是當前中國知識分子依然直面的問題。Abstract When the People's Republic of China (PRC) was founded in 1949, social structure had changed dramatically and the class identity of intellectual groups was the first to be affected severely. The remodeling of class identity and reconstruction of discourse system of the intellectuals needed to be addressed as quickly as possible so as to serve the new regime. And the event that the elite liberal intellectuals in colleges and universities boycotted the adjustment on faculty policies of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) had triggered the first large-scale ideological transforming movement after the foundation of PRC. `New' discourse mode constructed by Mao Tsetung was infused into transformers' minds being transformed in this movement, and finally the `red' revolutionary knowledge discourse had totally replaced the traditional knowledge discourse of intellectuals in colleges and universities. From the research perspectives of political communication and discourse analysis, this thesis places this Ideological Transforming Movement of Chinese Intellectuals during 1951 to 1952 into a political and cultural background of the era; manifests the innovation, overlapping and confrontation between the `new' discourse constructed by Mao Tsetung and the traditional discourse of the Chinese traditional intellectuals and the contemporary intellectuals coming into being from in the May 4th Movement; and analyses the application of `new' discourse in intellectual groups in the ideological transforming movement, reveals the discourse propagation tools and power exertion strategies in the ideological transforming movement in the new China under Mao's dominion. It is considered in this thesis that Mao took the `class' as a core discourse, populism and revolutionary narration as contents, redefined `knowledge' and `intellectual', and thus created a new set of `red' knowledge discourse and ideology system. In the intellectual ideological transforming movement, this new, systematic and coverall explanation system utilized `class' to convert the power status between elite intellectuals and people at the bottom of the society, as well as linked it with morality to stimulate the intellectuals' sense of `original sin'. Meanwhile, with the upgrading `stigmatization' and language violence as well as the idolization of `prophet language' of Mao Tsetung in the mass movement after 1949, the elite intellectuals finally discarded the previous knowledge discourse and embrace the `red' current discourse. However, the discourse system constructed by Mao based on the basis of `expressive reality' which broke away from social reality, therefore, as Mao Tsetung, the authority core of the discourse system, disappeared, the overall discourse system constructed by him also collapsed. Nevertheless, the ideological reforming movement in the 1950s exposed a discourse predicament that intellectual elites who advocated `independent thinking and spirit freedom' were jointly facing, which also persists with the Chinese intellectuals nowadays.

Tese (doutorado)—Universidade de Brasília, Centro de Estudos Avançados Multidisciplinares, Pós-Graduação em Desenvolvimento, Sociedade e Cooperação Internacional, 2016. / Submitted by Fernanda Percia França (fernandafranca@bce.unb.br) on 2016-09-02T20:17:39Z No. of bitstreams: 1 2016_EricdeSales.pdf: 12883313 bytes, checksum: cd46a2cc1245a838d79fda5cd693d2c4 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Raquel Viana(raquelviana@bce.unb.br) on 2016-10-04T21:56:14Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 2016_EricdeSales.pdf: 12883313 bytes, checksum: cd46a2cc1245a838d79fda5cd693d2c4 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-10-04T21:56:14Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 2016_EricdeSales.pdf: 12883313 bytes, checksum: cd46a2cc1245a838d79fda5cd693d2c4 (MD5) / A presente tese versa sobre um conceito aplicado a Estados que enfrentaram momentos de autoritarismo ou retrocessos político-sociais, em que diversos direitos (principalmente os Direitos Humanos) foram suprimidos. O Brasil viveu de 1964 até 1985 um período de ditadura civil-militar, um momento em que os Direitos Humanos foram colocados de lado em nome de uma “Segurança Nacional”, um momento de perseguições aos que eram contrários ao regime. O campo que estuda a transição do autoritarismo para democracia no Brasil (assim como de outros Estados) é denominado de Justiça de Transição e tem como pilares a memória, verdade, justiça e reparação e reforma das instituições. Esta tese trabalha com este conceito (e seus pilares), a partir de uma leitura realizada por meios de quatro filmes da diretora Lúcia Murat (Que Bom Te ver Viva, Quase Dois Irmãos, Uma Longa Viagem, A Memória que me Contam), de forma a observar nestas produções fílmicas para constituir o link para o ponto final desta tese, qual seja o de constituir pontes entre a Justiça de Transição e o conceito de direito ao desenvolvimento. _________________________________________________________________________________________________ ABSTRACT / This thesis deals with a concept applied to states that have faced moments of authoritarianism or political and social setbacks, in which various rights (especially human rights) were suppressed. The Brazil lived from 1964 to 1985 a period of civil-military dictatorship, a time when human rights were put aside in the name of a "national security", a time of persecution of which were against the regime. The field that studies this transition (as well as other states) is called for Transitional Justice and is founded on memory, truth, justice and reparation and institutional reform. This thesis works with this concept (and its pillars), from a reading performed by means of four films of director Lucia Murat (QueBomTever Viva, QuaseDoisIrmãos, Uma Longa Viagem, A Memóriaque me Contam) of so watching these filmic productions to be the link to the end of this thesis, namely, that of being bridges between Transitional Justice and the concept of right to development.