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Ce mémoire explore la possibilité d'une parenté insoupçonnée entre deux penseurs des Relations Internationales, Raymond Aron et Francis Fukuyama. Traditionnellement associées aux écoles libérale et réaliste, leurs idées pouvaient effectivement apparaître comme parfaitement inconciliables. Or, les deux grandes sections de notre texte essaient plutôt de montrer, qu'en dépit de certaines différences, l'argumentation des deux auteurs se rejoint sur plusieurs questions. En ce qui concerne leurs conceptions de l'histoire, nous verrons qu'Aron et Fukuyama adhéraient au principe de «rationalisation du monde» cher à différents sociologues occidentaux, et particulièrement à Max Weber. L'analyse du parcours universitaire de l'auteur français permettra de repérer des influences phénoménologique ou néokantienne sur le plan épistémologique et wébérienne sur le plan ontologique. Nous nous pencherons également sur le passage de Francis Fukuyama à l'Université Cornell où il fit la connaissance d'Allan Bloom. C'est par l'intermédiaire de ce dernier que l'auteur nippo-américain entra en contact avec Alexandre Kojève, Léo Strauss et Raymond Aron. Une fois ces éclaircissements faits, il sera question du rôle joué par le concept wébérien de rationalisation du monde dans la philosophie fukuyamienne de l'histoire. Par la suite, nous verrons comment ces philosophies de l'histoire déterminent la vision des Relations Internationales des deux auteurs. Plus précisément, nous nous attarderons sur les changements que la société industrielle sont susceptibles d'amener dans les rapports que les États entretiennent entre eux. Tant chez Fukuyama qu'Aron, on pourra constater que les notions de guerre ou de paix se transforment radicalement à partir du Traité de Vienne. Nous consacrerons la dernière section à la praxéologie des deux auteurs, ou à la politique étrangère idéale qu'ils proposent aux nations occidentales. ______________________________________________________________________________ MOTS-CLÉS DE L’AUTEUR : Raymond Aron, Francis Fukuyama, Relations Internationales, Philosophie de l'Histoire.

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This study presents a comparative analytical investigation of two divergent yet parallel doctrines of self-realization. John Dewey, a distinguished American thinker, represents a naturalist pragmatist conception of self-realization on the one hand, and 'Allama Tabataba'i, a renowned Muslim philosopher, an Islamic perception on the other. While Dewey is considered a spokesperson for modern American pragmatist and humanist thought, 'Allama may be seen as typical of Islamic Shi'i thinking. In dealing with their conceptualizations of self-realization, the intention in this study is to focus on some significant aspects of the human self, to rediscover its potentiality and to determine the wisdom behind self-realization from a comparative perspective. After outlining the two thinkers' scholarly backgrounds, instructional contexts, sources, methods, works and purposes, the study examines certain specific issues. It investigates their understandings of human nature, and explores their positions on moral experience and human character, as well as on the arts and sciences as vehicles for self-realization. As its final chapter, the study elaborates the basic elements and manifestations of self-realization as depicted in Dewey's and 'Allama's systems of thought. This research aims at clarifying the parallels, similarities and differences that exist between the two scholars, through an in-depth comparison of their respective naturalist and Islamic approaches and attitudes.

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This thesis contributes to knowledge in the field of medical anthropology, particularly in Egypt and the Middle East, in two specific ways. First, the thesis demonstrates how a limited focus on kinship and micro social relations precludes a full understanding of the life experiences of people, especially at times of illness. The thesis shows that these conceptual limitations stem from a romanticized view of Egyptian culture---a view that poorly corresponds to the contemporary Egyptian situation. The thesis proposes that social networks And the ground between micro and macro social associations need to be incorporated into future studies of medical anthropology in general, and in Egypt and the Middle East in particular. Second, the thesis demonstrates how cultural values linked to the diversity of social classes and unequal access to social and financial capital shape illness experience. It is argued that access to biomedical services is a social manifestation of culturally constructed subcultures where kinship, social networks, and social hierarchy produce the current inequalities in well-being among inhabitants of modern Egypt. A cultural and social analysis grounded in the history of Egyptian modernity is pursued here to better understand current inequality in social and physical well-being. Space, aesthetics, religion, network affiliation, and other factors constitute essential elements of this analysis. The thesis proposes integrating a study of the cultural manifestations of the production of social inequality into all future studies of illness in Egypt and the Middle East. It is concluded that a culture of social distinctions and discrimination prevails, and that such a culture shapes social relations and illness experience. Unless this culture is understood and addressed, there is little hope for an equal distribution of resources for well-being among Egyptians.

This study examines ideological discourse in contemporary Egypt. It investigates a number of discourses in terms of the meanings they generate and the role or function they play in the maintenance or transformation of relations of power in society. The analysis is guided by a semiotic view of ideology, that is, ideology understood as a system of representation which operates through language and other signifying practices. / Central to our understanding of the effects of discourse on power relations is the conception of representation as an autonomous level of 'reality' in relation to other levels. The implication of such a conception is that meanings produced in discourse are not to be validated or adequated against the 'real', but are to be analyzed in terms of their interrelations with socio-economic and political structures, and in terms of their appropriation by social forces in positions of struggle. In this sense, it is relevant to look at the rules which govern the formation of the systems of representation; rules which are specific to the discursive formations. Within the framework of this study, the key mechanisms operative in discourse and ideology are validation and interpellation. Throughout the project, attention is paid to the role these mechanisms play in the production of subjects and the construction of subject positions. That is, particular emphasis is put on how ideological interpellations construct or constitute positions of resistance, struggle, domination, acquiesence which are validated or rejected by the receiver. This returns to the process of appropriation of meanings and the functionalization of discourse. / The analysis proceeds through an examination of the narrative and discursive structures of the various discourses under study. It is also concerned with the narrative programs which underlie the discourses as an act or intervention, focusing on the positions of speakers and receivers, the modalization of subject positions and their inscription in relations of power. In treating the Egyptian case, discourses from two socio-political conjunctures are analyzed: one a juncture of populist rupture marked by the consolidation of the revolutionary program, the other a juncture of socio-economic disintegration. / The study examines how the conjunctures manifest themselves in discourse. In this way, an attempt is made to see how the particular conjunctures are marked in the functionalization of certain terms and the imposition of certain ideologemes. The work seeks to demonstrate how this is linked to the appropriation of discourse by social forces. With regard to the first juncture, the discursive and narrative structures which underlie the nationalist discourse are identified. Within the later conjuncture, these structures are revealed in relation to the Islamist discourse, while an analysis of the secular discourse is also carried out. The general objective is to situate the process of the construction of meanings in relation to the socio-economic and political conditions which exist in the particular junctures of discourse production.

Univ., Diss.--Heidelberg, 1998.

Thesis (Ph.D.)--Pennsylvania State University, 2008. / Mode of access: World Wide Web. Thesis advisor: Mary Ann Stankiewicz.