Thesis (M.A.) -- Air University (U.S.), 2005. / "A thesis presented to the faculty of the school of advanced air and space studies for completion of the graduation requirements." "May 2005." ADA 477013. Includes bibliographical references (p. 1-6).

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Ce mémoire porte sur la politique étrangère des États-Unis pendant la " guerre contre le terrorisme " de l’Administration Bush. Cette recherche tente d’expliquer pourquoi cette administration a décidé de négocier avec certains groupes terroristes dans un contexte de processus de résolution de conflits. Deux hypothèses sont confrontées pour expliquer ce phénomène. La première s’insère dans l’école réaliste et met l’accent sur l’effet de l’instabilité régionale sur les décisions de Washington. La seconde est de type libéral et fonde son pouvoir explicatif sur l’influence de l’opinion publique en matière de politique étrangère. Quatre cas sont à l’étude : le regroupement des milices sunnites pendant la guerre en Irak, le Hamas dans le conflit israélo-palestinien ainsi que le Moro Islamic Liberation Front et Abu Sayyaf aux Philippines. Les résultats illustrent que l’argument réaliste résiste à l’analyse empirique alors que l’hypothèse libérale doit être partiellement rejetée.

MESQUITA, Luiz Jarbas de. Avaliação da efetividade da vinculação de 12% da receita líquida de impostos e transferências para gastos com saúde. 2012. 115f. – Dissertação (Mestrado) – Universidade Federal do Ceará, Programa de Pós-graduação em Avaliação de Políticas Públicas, Fortaleza (CE), 2012. / Submitted by Márcia Araújo (marcia_m_bezerra@yahoo.com.br) on 2014-01-10T14:20:26Z No. of bitstreams: 1 2012-DIS-LJMESQUITA.pdf: 1258863 bytes, checksum: 665df99fbe182f15e2172d73fd667804 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Márcia Araújo(marcia_m_bezerra@yahoo.com.br) on 2014-01-10T15:55:33Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 2012-DIS-LJMESQUITA.pdf: 1258863 bytes, checksum: 665df99fbe182f15e2172d73fd667804 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2014-01-10T15:55:33Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 2012-DIS-LJMESQUITA.pdf: 1258863 bytes, checksum: 665df99fbe182f15e2172d73fd667804 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012 / In Brazil , public health is a matter of considerable criticism by the public and agencies press, and that those responsible are complaining about the lack of funding for the sector . One attempt to address this problem came with the binding of 12 % of Net Revenue and Taxation Transfers - RLIT for health spending within the states and the Federal District , the Constitutional Amendment No. 29 . This study aims to assess the effectiveness of this policy public and respond if the fulfillment of this binding corresponds to improvements in financial health indices . The relevance is defined by the Federal Constitution states when that " health is a right and duty of the State ." The research , documentary - type quantitative , was performed with the application of statistical methods on data from health spending six states selected , for the period 2001-2009 , and on the health indicators selected for research . The sources are publications of official bodies in the Internet, based on the collection, the data were treated statistically using the tools for that of SPSS , acronym of Statistical Package for the Social Sciences and Microsoft Excel , making comparisons between members of the Federation selected from the standpoint of health spending and looking establish correlations between these costs and the development of health indices , in order to realize the impacts of the Constitutional Amendment on improving or not the health of the population . the Results show that in large part, it can be considered good degree of compliance requirement and that despite an improvement in health indices of the population , this should not be credited only to the application of the law, demonstrating the importance of quality concern spending . At the end , we suggest that further research can answer questions arising in During the data analysis. / No Brasil, a saúde pública é motivo de inúmeras críticas por parte da população e dos órgãos de imprensa, sendo que os responsáveis se queixam da falta de verbas para o setor. Uma das tentativas de debelar este problema veio com a vinculação de 12% da Receita Líquida de Impostos e Transferências – RLIT para gastos com saúde no âmbito dos estados e do Distrito Federal, pela Emenda Constitucional Nº 29. Este trabalho tem por objetivo verificar a efetividade desta política pública e responder se o cumprimento desta vinculação financeira corresponde a melhorias nos índices de saúde. A relevância do tema é definida pela própria Constituição Federal quando declara que “saúde é direito de todos e dever do Estado”. A pesquisa, do tipo documental-quantitativa, foi realizada com a aplicação de métodos estatísticos sobre dados de gastos com saúde de seis estados selecionados, referentes ao período de 2001 a 2009, e sobre os índices de saúde selecionados para a pesquisa. As fontes são publicações de organismos oficiais na internet, e, com base na coleta, os dados receberam tratamento estatístico, utilizando-se para isto as ferramentas dos softwares SPSS, acrônimo de Statistical Package for the Social Sciences e Microsoft Excel, fazendo comparações entre os entes da Federação selecionados do ponto de vista dos gastos com saúde e procurando estabelecer as correlações entre estes gastos e a evolução dos índices de saúde, a fim de perceber os impactos da aplicação da Emenda Constitucional na melhoria, ou não, da saúde da população. Os resultados mostram que, em grande parte, pode-se considerar bom o grau de cumprimento da obrigatoriedade e que, apesar de uma melhora nos índices de saúde da população, esta não deve ser creditada somente à aplicação da Lei, demonstrando a importância da preocupação com a qualidade do gasto. Ao final, sugerem-se outras pesquisas que possam responder questões surgidas no decorrer da análise dos dados.

Approved for public release; distribution is unlimited. / Countries sponsoring and supporting terrorism impede the efforts of the United States and the international community to fight terrorism. Until states that support terrorism cease such sponsorship, they remain a critical foundation for terrorist groups and their operations. The purpose of this thesis is to examine the U.S. military's role in coercing states to cease their sponsorship of terrorism. Using game theory, this thesis analyzes the utility of military force against state-sponsored terrorism. It explains why past military responses did not pose a credible threat and were thus, an ineffective instrument of national power. It then examines how military force is employed in the current war on terrorism. The findings of this thesis suggest that the limited military strikes employed against states for their role in terrorist attacks prior to September 11, 2001, preconditioned the leaders of supportive states to believe U.S. leadership lacked commitment in its strategy to end statesponsored terrorism. The findings also suggest the dramatic change in the United States' method of employing its military forces against state sponsors of terrorism after September 11, 2001, created the credible, coercive military threat required to accomplish the U.S. national objective of ending state-sponsored terrorism. / Major, United States Air Force

Approved for public release; distribution is unlimited. / This thesis looks beyond the tragic events of 11 March 2004 to uncover the greater Spanish strategic culture that motivates and influences Spain's political elites. By examining the interaction between Spanish conservatives and liberals, discerning the Spanish strategic culture will allow for a greater understanding of the foreign policy implications to both the Spanish-US relationship and Spanish-EU integration after the Madrid bombings. By understanding how Spanish elites make decisions on the utilization of military force with respect to NATO operations and European Union security, this thesis first demonstrates the strategic preferences of the Spanish elites. Secondly, this thesis shows that the collective identity of Spanish elites seeks further influence in regional economic and global policy making. Lastly, this thesis reveals that Spain is in a unique position to develop a strong bilateral relationship with the US while furthering its integration with the EU but is unwilling to support the furthering of cooperation and integration at the expense of Spanish national interests. Uncovering the Spanish strategic culture will provide a possible generalization to whether this event will lead to a shift in the Spanish strategic culture or open a new chapter in the transatlantic relationship. This thesis suggests that the bombings will not redefine the strategic culture of Spain but reinforce Spain's commitment against international terrorism. / Major, United States Marine Corps

Approved for public release; distribution is unlimited. / The Philippines is one of the foremost supporters of the Global War on Terrorism (GWOT), responding to the call for robust counter-terrorism (CT) measures through policy and legislation, intelligence-sharing, and military and law enforcement cooperation. As a strategic ally, the United States (US) has renewed political and security relations with Manila, strained since the base closures in 1991; Washington has given hundreds of millions of dollars in military and economic aid since 9/11. However, instead of improving the country's CT capabilities to eradicate terrorism, the GWOT and related US policy have created a cyclical incentive structure: certain actors within the government, military, and insurgency groups in the Philippines profit politically and financially from US aid and the warlike conditions, and thus sustain, at a minimum, a presence of conflict and terrorism in order to continue drawing future benefits. This paper will investigate how such actors profit from the GWOT and perpetuate conflict, as well as examine the implications of these finding and recommendations on future US policy and Philippine counter-terrorism efforts. / Captain, United States Air Force

Approved for public release, distribution unlimited / This thesis explores shifting perceptions within the U.S. government regarding Iraq's Shi'i majority, and their impact on the decision to remove Saddam, and on current U.S. endeavors in post-war Iraq. It explains how perceptions of Shi'is as a radical, monolithic, anti-American sect, were formulated during the late 1970s and 80s, as the U.S. government assumed a dominant role in the Middle East following Britain's withdrawal. During that time, Shi'is were viewed as a significant threat to U.S. regional interests, and for over 20 years U.S. policy had sought to contain them. These perceptions changed dramatically prior to Operation Iraqi Freedom, in a manner that seemed to support U.S. objectives for a post-Saddam Iraq. The Bush administration now believed that Iraq's Shi'is were unified, supportive of a long-term alliance with the U.S. government, and amenable to an imposed secular democracy that would be friendly with the West. In the aftermath of the war, such misperceptions are becoming increasingly obvious. This thesis will identify and correct these errors, and will explain how these shifts in viewpoint occurred. Furthermore, the importance of understanding Iraq's Shi'is will be underscored by positing that the Shi'i are an essential element to any viable, long term solution for post-war Iraq.

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Thesis (M.A.)--University of Hawaii at Manoa, 2004. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 191-235). Also available via World Wide Web.