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The first part of the thesis (chapters I-V) considers possible sources of Tyndale's theology. There were influences from Lollardy, Erasmus, and Luther, however, Tyndale modified these sources where he disagreed with their theology, rejecting everything he believed was unfaithful to Scripture. The second part of the thesis (chapters VI-XIII) assessed Tyndale's theology. I found it was consistent through all his writings (1525-1536), a biblically based theology uninfluenced by Greek philosophy. A covenant theology made between the Persons of the Trinity; it was unilateral for the Fall was total, man was dead and until born again unable to respond to God's love. God the Father was to be a Father to those elected to life, the elect are born into God's family, which, being through birth, has no place for the legalistic covenant found in Reformed theology. The blood of Christ is essential for Tyndale's theology. It satisfied God's justice enabling the Father to elect his children. The blood of Christ makes every part and every stage of the Christian's life a reality. The Holy Spirit applies the blood of Christ - the elect are born again, have faith and repentance, respond to the gospel, are able to love God and his commandments, love their neighbour and do good works, pray and worship God. Two regiments form society: - The temporal, a creation ordinance to which everyone belongs. The spiritual is the church and post Fall. The elect were a 'little flock' whilst the majority were not born again nor part of the family of God. The papal church broke the covenant, teaching salvation through works. Christians love God and neighbour, the blood of Christ enables them to please God, serving their neighbour by good works to strengthen faith, or to evangelise. Tyndale's theology was consistent, scriptural, spiritual and practical.

Eustathius of Antioch is recognised as a pivotally important ‘Nicene’ figure in the early part of the ‘Arian’ controversy but, largely due to the paucity of sources, there is very little in-depth discussion of his theology. The recent discovery that Eustathius wrote Contra Ariomanitas et de anima, an anti-subordinationist treatise focusing on the soul, now preserved in an epitome, both offers unprecedented opportunities for understanding Eustathius’ theology. This thesis examines Eustathius’ theological anthropology, an important aspect of his thought. It considers the question with regards both intrinsic ontology and the meta-narrative of human history – soteriology and eschatology – and situates it within the context of fourth-century metaphysics and the uncertainty surrounding questions of human society raised by Christianity’s new status under Constantine. Eustathius’ picture of the relationship between the body and the soul relies on a hylomorphic dualism indebted to Platonised Aristotelianism, emphasising the interdependence of body and soul whilst sharply distinguishing them as substances. He regards the soul as passible in itself. Eustathius regards human beings as degraded both in existential state and in circumstance relative to the condition in which they were created and articulates the gap between human potential and human actuality primarily in terms of the relationship between Adam and Christ. Eustathius’ picture of Christ as perfect humanity is informed by a sense of radical disjunction between God and creation, typical of fourth-century metaphysics, and he consequently holds a relatively autonomous conception of human perfection. Eustathius regards free will as freedom to discern and choose the right thing, which relies on a fundamentally optimistic perception of human moral nature. Eustathius’ anthropology consistently grounds human essence and identity in earthly life and correspondingly founds his soteriology on the fulfilment of current potential, believing that Christ will reign, eschatologically, over an earthly kingdom.

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Par la présente recherche, nous cherchons à soutenir que dans l'éducation philosophique du jeune Nicolas de Cues (entre 1424 et 1431), la tradition albertine de Cologne, diffusée par Heymeric de Campo, a joué un rôle important. Nous pensons aussi que les traces de cette influence de l'albertinisme colonien émergent en particulier dans les écrits épistémologiques du Cusain, en particulier dans le De coniecturis et dans la collection « Idiota ». Nous montrerons que Nicolas de Cues, qui a personnellement connu Heymeric, a eu grâce à lui connaissance des doctrines néo-platoniciennes qui émergent dans le De docta ignorantia et dans les œuvres cusaniennes des années 1440. Contrairement à la perspective historiographique, qui a soutenu une origine byzantine du néoplatonisme de Nicolas de Cues, nous voulons ici montrer une origine colonienne. Nous sommes également convaincus que cette approche méthodologique permet de saisir efficacement la pensée de Nicolas de Cues dans son contexte historique, « 1430-1464 », et topographique, « entre Cologne et Rome ». Elle fournit aussi une clé pour éclairer le rapport entre la philosophie de Nicolas de Cues et certains penseurs modernes : la Cusanus-Renaissance de la première moitié du XXe siècle avait attribué à Nicolas de Cues le titre de « premier philosophe moderne » parce que, contrairement à la tradition scolastique, il aurait placé au centre de ses œuvres le problème de la connaissance humaine, ouvrant ainsi la voie à la révolution subjectiviste de la modernité. Une telle attention pour la connaissance humaine se retrouve également dans la tradition albertine, décrite comme un « illuminisme » au Moyen Age / In this research, we present the hypothesis that the Albertist tradition in Cologne played a significant role in how young Cusanus acquired his philosophical education, in the years from 1424 to 1431, and that the mediator was Heymericus de Campo. We claim that some traces of this albertist influence can be seen above all in Cusanus' gnoseological works, particularly in De coniecturis and in the Idiota collection. Contrary to the historiographical perspective that maintained the hypothesis that Cusanus’ neo-Platonism derived from Byzantine thought, we should like to sustain here that it originated in the school of Cologne and Rhenish philosophy. We are further convinced that this methodological approach provides an efficient tool for interpreting and capturing Cusanus’ thought within its contexts, both historical ( from “1430 to 1464”) and geographical (“from Cologne to Rome”). Moreover, finding traces of Albertism in Cusanus’s education and works offers a new key to interpreting and clarifying his relationship with modern philosophy. The Cusanus-Renaissance in the first half of the twentieth century saw in Cusanus the first modern philosopher because, unlike those of the Scholastic tradition, he was thought to have placed human knowledge at the core of his works, thus paving the way for the modern, subjectivist revolution. From this standpoint, Albert the Great and his “school” seem be be forerunners of the modern tradition, so much so that it was described as “Enlightenment in the Middle Ages