This thesis analyses how Hezbollah has perceived Israel since its establishment. In this study it is argued that Israel is the main enemy of and source of hatred for Hezbollah. The references of this overall statement are the ideology and political, social and military history of Hezbollah. The armed struggle of Hezbollah against Israel started with the 1982 Israeli invasion of Lebanon evolved into both a political participation with the continued armed militia in the period between 1982 to today. During this period, in addition to its armed conflict with Israel, Hezbollah came on the stage with social services for Lebanese society and political propaganda in Lebanese elections. The intersection point of these three identities is the endless encouragement of Hezbollah for a determined resistance against Israel. While on the one hand Hezbollah defines Israel to be the most dangerous threat for the world, in addition to being a prominent enemy for the Arab and Muslim community / on the other hand Israel regards Hezbollah to be the highest impact menace. Consequently, the thesis is finalized with outputs and predictions taking all historical and ideological aspects into concern.

This thesis aims at evaluating the impacts of European Union Citizenship on the development process of European political identity. With the introduction of European Union citizenship upon the ratification of the Treaty of Maastricht, a breath of fresh air has been brought to the ongoing debates and a new form of citizenship has taken its place in the literature. The &ldquo / workers&rsquo / right to free movement &rdquo / which was the core of the push for European citizenship, has played a pioneering role for the rights engendered thereunder. In due course, new rights have been entitled to the citizens and the scope of these rights has been broadened. From the 1950s to the present, EU citizenship has continued its evolution and, rather than being referred to as a common market citizenship, it became a highly political concept during this period. In the context of these developments, this thesis view the historical background and the legal framework of the concept and, in light of these insights, analyze the impacts of European Union citizenship upon the formation of European political identity. In this study, European citizenship has been defined as a form of political identity, whose emergence , in turn , was a consequence of citizens&rsquo / relationships with the political entity-European Union- . On account of the inadequacy of the elements that constitutes the identity under normal conditions , the existence of the political identity has been emphasized as a the key concept in order to attach the citizens to the political entity and the role of the citizenship has been stated as comprising a common basis within the EU in order to constitute a political identity.

This thesis examined how Turkish perception of insecurity, which was based on its suspicions about Greek and Bulgarian intentions and politics towards its territorial integrity and stability of its regime, shaped its view of Turkish/Muslim minorities living in these two states in the early Republican period. Using a wealth of archival material and newspapers, it questioned to what extent these physical and ideological concerns of the Turkish Republic played a role in its approach to these minorities in the period between 1923 and 1938. Turkey perceived the Greek and Bulgarian maltreatment of these minorities as a part of these states&rsquo / hostile intentions regarding the new Turkish state. Thus, what this thesis argued is that Turkey responded to pressure on Turkish/Muslim minorities in these two states not only because of humanitarian concerns but according to its security concern, which became an important factor to determine Turkish interventionist approach to the minority issues in Greece and Bulgaria in this period.

The Tanzimat period had been an era of political change and transformation for the Ottoman Empire as it introduced many new new tools in political arena, particularly to reach centralization and the whole period is widely debated in many successful studies. However, the implementation of the Tanzimat reforms in specific provinces are generally ignored. Similarly, 19th century civil turmoil in the Syrian provinces of the Ottoman Empire had been a subject that discussed frequently. However, in many studies the events are generally discussed only as a religious conflict between Muslims and Druzes rather than a reflection of a complex system of political and socio-economic factors. In this context, the role of the Tanzimat reforms are generally ignored. This study aims to adress these two points at the same time. First it focuses on the specific implementation of the Tanzimat reforms in Lebanon rather than the promised aspects of the package. It details how the reforms were implemented, why it was implemented in that specific form, what were the complaints and the results. Second, it tries to understand the civil war in Lebanon in terms of a complex web of state-society relations. It puts the state at the center of analysis and shows how the implementation of the reforms effected the factors that led to the civil war and its different dimensions.

The present dissertation aims to investigate cognitive and motivational underpinnings of stereotype contents in differing contexts. This dissertation consisted of two related sections. In the first section, comparison was suggested as the cognitive process underlying the implicit competence and warmth attributions toward businesswomen and homemakers. Four studies using Go/No Go Association Task were conducted to investigate the comparison process. Findings of the studies indicated that comparison has a significant impact on implicit mixed stereotypes. Implicit mixed stereotypes were not observed when target groups and attributes were presented in non-comparative context (Study 1). However, implicit stereotype contents were obvious in comparative context (Study 2). Finally, implicit stereotype contents of homemakers and businesswomen were shaped in accordance to the part of the context that was comparative (i.e. group comparison in Study 3 and attribute comparison in Study4). In the second section of the dissertation, comparison process was related to individuals&rsquo / compensation tendency. Two studies were conducted to examine the compensation tendency in the framework of System Justification Theory. In the first study (Study 5), presentation order of the target groups was manipulated. By this way, participants were not aware of the second group. Findings indicated that participants tended to compensate their first ratings toward homemakers and businesswomen. Furthermore, ambivalent sexism moderated the compensation tendency. In the second study (Study 6), both groups were presented together. Neither order of presentation nor its interactions were significant. Findings of the studies were discussed in the light of relevant literature.

The present study examines how political party leaders in Turkey strategically construct boundaries of the Turkish nation, which norms they attribute to it, and the prototypicality claims of these party leaders regarding the nation. Leaders&rsquo / national identity constructions are expected to be in line with their parties&rsquo / collective projects and serve to increase their claims of representativeness in the eyes of the electorate. A secod aim of the study is to inquire leaders&rsquo / attempts in rhetorically including the Kurdish population to the Turkish nation construction. The particular context was 2011 General Elections and the data was composed of campaign speeches of AK Parti, MHP and CHP. The campaign speeches given at Eastern and Southeastern regions of Turkey prior to the elections constituted the data. The analysis revealed that three leaders consensualized on the national flag, the official language, the unity of the land and the state as the claimed commonalities of the Turkish nation. Differences emerge when elaborating on the nature of the binding relationship between nationals. Erdogan (AK Parti) puts more emphasis on religion, Bah&ccedil / eli (MHP) underlines shared history and culture and Kili&ccedil / daroglu (CHP) depicts a nation based on citizenship. Nation constructions also involve attribution of national norms that also differ among parties and coincide with the topics over which leaders claim prototypicality. Apart from invoking national categories, party leaders argued over universal and other social categories (in this study / politician category) when constructing their rhetoric. Taking social categories for granted impairs the possibility of social change. Therefore, examining strategic purposes these categories serve, as in this study, is intended to empower those who struggle through their effects.

ABSTRACT THE CHALLENGE OF BECOMING AN IMMIGRATION COUNTRY. THE CASE OF GERMANY IN THE LIGHT OF THE NEW LEGAL DRAFT ON IMMIGRATION. Y&uuml / ce, Yasemin M.Sc., Department of Political Science and Public Admistration Supervisor: Assoc. Prof. Dr. Mehmet Okyayuz November 2003, 137 pages This study is looking for an answer to the question &ldquo / Is Germany an immigration country?&rdquo / that has been re-put on the agenda with the new immigration law. At the same time, different dimensions of the immigration country concept have been explained so that the evolution of the characterstics of immigration and Germany&rsquo / s immigration history can be investigated in order to explain this question. The main argument of this study is that Germany has become a de facto immigration country by time and now with the new immigration law it will be recognizing this de facto phenomenon politically. Germany&rsquo / s state system and structure is different from classical immigration countries and moreover it has a strong nation-state tradition that is a big barrier for its becoming an immigration country. Thus, while immigration issue in Germany is debated, the issues stemming from this nation-state tradition will be debated as well. Today, international developments and social dynamics force Germany to redefine itself. Germany is now debating the concept &ldquo / Germany as an immigration country&rdquo / and the new immigration law. Keywords: Immigration Country, The New German Legal Draft on Immigration, Migration in Germany

This study aims to analyzing the role of Islam, regionalism, and external factors (the involvement of the Russian Federation, Uzbekistan, Afghanistan, and Iran) in the Tajik Civil War (1992-97). It analyzes all these three factors one by one. In the thesis, it is argued that all of the three factors played an active and equal role in the emergence of the war and that in the case of the absence of any of these factors, the Tajik Civil War would not erupt. As such, none of the factors is considered to be the only player on its own and none of the factors is considered to be the basic result of other two factors.

ABSTRACT REPRESENTATIONS OF SOCIAL CLASSES IN ARABESK FILMS Avci, &Ouml / zg&uuml / r M.S., Department of Political Science and Public Administration Supervisor: Assist. Prof. Dr. Necmi Erdogan August 2004, 248 pages This thesis is an attempt to analyze the narrative structure of arabesk films which were made in the 1970s and the 1980s. Based on the idea that it is the poor/rich dichotomy which is foregrounded as the primary paradigm in arabesk films, this study tries to show how socio-cultural hierarchies are encoded in these films and how their narrative structure motivates the audience to perceive the films from a class perspective. On the basis of a generic background regarding melodramatic texts as well as a historical background as regards how the Turkish melodramas developed in relation to the modernization process in Turkey, this thesis focuses on syntagmatic and paradigmatic structures of arabesk films and offers that these films are primarily, if not exclusively, nourished by and address to a class-based &lsquo / affect&rsquo / (hissiy&acirc / t).

The main question of this study is the insufficient developed character of sociology in Turkey. In this study it is assumed that there are few factors that lead to this situation. Official ideology and its effects on sociology and university, the problems arisen from the discipline itself, the developing character of Turkey, and the conflict among sociologist academicians can be accepted as the factors that affect the sociology in Turkey. Related to this problem, in this study the opinions of academics sociologists in Turkey are examined. By using the techniques such as questionnaire and depth-interview, academicians&rsquo / evaluations are gathered.