In-group identification is a central aspect of human social behaviour. There is evidence of the effects of in-group identification on different aspects of cognition but it is still unclear how in-group identification might affect basic perceptual mechanisms. Relying on an interdisciplinary perspective, this work investigates the extent to which in-group identification affects perception. This thesis explores the issue under three main themes. The first theme deals with the effect of in-group identification on perception using behavioural paradigms and relies on the measures of accuracy and reaction time as well as questionnaire measures of the strength of in-group identification. In this case, individuals show enhanced perceptual matching performance for stimuli associated with an in-group as opposed to the stimuli associated to rival and neutral groups. Moreover, the enhanced performance for in-group associated stimuli correlated with the satisfaction subcomponent of an in-group identification measure. The second theme aimed to gain a better understanding of the effects of in-group identification on both automatic (prosaccade) and inhibitory (antisaccade) aspects of explicit attentional orienting. In this case, the results provide evidence on the effect of in-group identification on the inhibitory control of overt attention, as well as on pupillary responses. The third theme examined the neural underpinnings of in-group identification effects on perception. Neural correlates of in-group biases were found in brain networks previously associated with social saliency, emotion and attention, notably the posterior superior temporal sulcus, the dorsolateral prefrontal cortex and anterior insula. Moreover, carrying out a perceptual matching task changed the functional connectivity between the anterior insula and the inferior frontal gyrus, and this change in connectivity was related to the magnitude of behavioural biases to the in-group. This suggests that such rapid changes in functional connectivity may provide a neural basis for the development of in-group favouritism. The overall findings across the different chapters confirm that in-group biases affect perceptual matching in a variety of ways and through a specific neural network. In general, the results are in line with the hypothesis that our perception favours stimuli linked to our in-group. The limitations and future possible lines of study are discussed.

Research in Sri Lanka suggests that many people experience a deep scepticism about the chances of achieving justice. This is true not only of those who had suffered the most gross forms of human rights violations in the country’s past conflicts but, surprisingly, also of those caught up in more ordinary forms of everyday disputes and grievances. The prevalence of this sentiment of pervasive ‘injustice’ – captured in one informant’s pithy statement that “only the powerful get justice in Sri Lanka” – compels closer scrutiny of the broader processes and politics of justice-seeking. This thesis, based on research carried out in 2008 and 2009 and on the analysis of detailed accounts from 110 informants in 3 geographical locations, studies this quotidian experience of justice-seeking and dispute settlement work in Sri Lanka. It provides insights into how the broader political and social environment shapes the possibilities of a just outcome for any of its citizens. The thesis reveals the overriding power of social and political factors in the justice-seeking process. Becoming ‘known’ in a way that establishes the credibility of disputants is important. This is an inherently social exercise in which dominant notions about credibility and legitimacy as defined by the state are reinforced. The thesis illustrates the crucial role of the state in everyday dispute management. The police are a key resource for mediators and disputants, who seem to rely most notably on the police’s acknowledged potential and actual capability for violence. Persons who are seen to be politically suspicious are especially vulnerable to such violence. Who constitutes a ‘suspicious’ person, however, is in flux. The thesis shows that attempts which focus narrowly on law reform and human rights advocacy will be in vain unless the social and political processes driving the implementation of justice are acknowledged and addressed.

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Hacking and politically motivated hacking, so-called hacktivism, are two phenomena that have received increased attention in the last years. Both are mentioned in news headlines, political speeches and academic publications; however, ambiguity remains concerning what the concepts actually encompass. Hacking and hacktivism are frequently entangled with debates on technological security and insecurity and portrayed as the epitome of cybersecurity threats. Due to this perception, and building upon the notion that such (in)securities are consequence of an (in)security construction, this thesis analyses the emerging (in)securitisation of hacking and hacktivism. The focus is on the European Union. To achieve this, the thesis makes use of a Bourdieusian framework and the International Political Sociology of the Paris School approach. Based on this analytical foundation, the ‘meta-field of cybersecurity’ is analysed. The thesis considers this meta-field to be set together through three distinct fields, including the field of (a) politics and bureaucracy within the EU; (b) the commercial cybersecurity sector; and (c) hackers and hacktivists. Using document analyses and interviews, the thesis investigates each social space individually and answers the following question: What characterises the (in)securitised discourses and practices of hacking and hacktivism in the meta-field of cybersecurity and how are they resisted and/or instrumentalised? The thesis uncovers each field’s perception of hacking and hacktivism and their discursive and non-discursive (in)security practices, comparing and contrasting the results. The findings confirm the ambiguity of the concepts. Yet, contrary my anticipation, more diverse and fragmented discourses and practices were identified. Hackers and hacktivists feel excluded and need to counter their (in) securitisation in some realms, but there is evidence of a more reflective engagement. This manifests itself in the repurposing of the term hacker in the field of politics and bureaucracy or the (am)bivalence of hackers and hacktivists identity in the commercial sector. Nonetheless, according to the interviewed hackers and hacktivists their (in)securitisation remains prevalent and is a major factor that justifies their discourses and practices. The diversity in perceptions and (in)security routines highlights the Importance of revealing these tensions, shifts, and (dis) continuities and enables a more informed engagement with these phenomena.

The protests against the World Trade Organisation in Seattle in 1999 have been described, along with the development of World and European Social Forums (WSF/ESF), as the beginning of a new Global Movement for Social Justice (GMSJ). This movement has been argued to represent a ‘new type of politics’ with an unprecedented ideological and organisational character based on new fragmented power relationships that have undermined traditional class and national relationships and consequently have undermined the relevance of classical socialist theory. In place of nation state-based socialist strategies for delivering social justice, the GMSJ has been established on the principles of autonomy and an absence of representative structures of any kind. Often, these movements are described as (transnational) New Social Movements. This thesis challenges these concepts and argues they fall within a post-socialist orthodox approach to social science. It compares socialist concepts relating to power, class, nations and political organisation with post-socialist concepts, and in so doing, argues that post-socialist ideas have gained an orthodox status in a period when Stalinist models of (national) state planning have collapsed and social democratic parties have capitulated to the demands of globalised neo-liberal capitalism. Under such conditions, it has been possible for post-socialist theory to reflect observed failures of socialist movements and the thesis argues that underlying post-socialist theories of power, globalisation and a fragmentation of material power relations are often excessively abstract and unconvincing. These arguments are developed through the presentation of research into GMSJ activist organisations, part of the movements that affiliated to the London round of the ESF in 2004. In presenting analysis of in-depth interviews with participants and key organizational leaders, the thesis examines how the contemporary GMSJ remains sceptical that class based socialist theory can mobilise contemporary mass movements. However, it also develops a better understanding of how activists in this new global social movement reflect socialist theories relating to power, property relations and class in their conceptualisation of patterns of social injustice. Overall, the research suggests post-socialist theories have failed to provide a programme or strategy for building a mass movement for social justice. It argues that, contrary to often stated claims about its Marxist foundations, post-socialist ideology has not been able to outline the systemic foundations for another world. However, the research suggests that the central concepts of Marxist theory relating to power, property relations, class and political organisation nevertheless remain relevant to the GMSJ and that democratic socialist planning is the only coherent systemic alternative to capitalism that has been placed before the GMSJ. The thesis will argue that the GMSJ could help to develop an ideological alternative to global capitalism by engaging with a rich history of socialist theory.

This thesis aims to investigate how powerless and powerful individuals and groups perceive and experience social inequalities and how they are motivated to respond to them. By combining existing knowledge of the effects of interpersonal power on motivations and behaviour with an account of the structure of intergroup relations (social identity theory), I examine the socio-psychological processes underlying these responses in power structures. Across four experiments, I investigate the perspective of both powerful and powerless individuals and show that the motivations and behaviour elicited by their power (or lack of it) are not invariant, but can be modified by the perceived legitimacy of their power position. Additionally, I also show that the powerless' behaviour is responsive not only to perceptions of legitimacy but also to concerns regarding impression management. I then focus on the perspective of powerful group members and demonstrate how perceptions of legitimacy and individual differences in social dominance orientation (SDO) interact to predict their willingness to engage in positive behaviour (i.e., helping intentions towards the powerless). Additionally, I demonstrate across two experiments that the help-providers position in the power structure (internal power holders vs. external observer) moderate how the interplay between legitimacy and SDO shape helping intentions. In sum, the six experiments reported in this thesis illustrate how the effects of social power on individuals responses to power imbalances is modified by perceptions of legitimacy, and also how illegitimate power promotes strategic responses that are reflective of specific identify-related concerns. Theoretical and practical implications are discussed.

This thesis examines the responses of the county magistracy to social unrest in a period marked by a redefinition of social and governmental relationships. Drawing together approaches to governmental and protest histories, it answers calls for more detailed analyses of the actions and attitudes of authority through a more thorough account of judicial responses to popular protest. The approach adopted here, also offers new perspectives on the nature of social relations and governance at this point. This study privileges the structuring of county government in an analysis of social protest. Through two regional case studies, it recognises the autonomy and concomitant variation in the infrastructure of local government, and the ways in which these distinct governmental arrangements shaped the nature of popular resistance. Not only does this approach provide a more nuanced understanding of the actions of the authorities, but it posits social conflict as a lens through which to view the operation of government. Disorder laid bare many of the inadequacies of a system predicated on paternalist authority, but it also exposed the constellation of social relationships that underpinned it. Chapter one reviews the historiographical discussion regarding the form and function of the magistracy and differing perspectives on the decline of paternalist governance. The two original case studies of Norfolk and Somerset, pursued throughout this thesis, are introduced in chapter two, which details their respective structures of government. This provides the foundation for a reappraisal of the 'crisis of paternalism' during the subsistence crises of 1795 and 1800-01, in chapter three, and the challenges posed to the magistracy during the Swing disturbances of 1830, considered in chapters four and five. By viewing protest through the structures of government that mediated social relationships, the full complexity of these interactions is revealed and a more nuanced picture of social conflict is made visible.

Based on a review of the servant leadership, well-being, and performance literatures, the first study develops a research model that examines how and under which conditions servant leadership is related to follower performance and well-being alike. Data was collected from 33 leaders and 86 of their followers working in six organizations. Multilevel moderated mediation analyses revealed that servant leadership was indeed related to eudaimonic well-being and lead-er-rated performance via followers’ positive psychological capital, but that the strength and di-rection of the examined relationships depended on organizational policies and practices promot-ing employee health, and in the case of follower performance on a developmental team climate, shedding light on the importance of the context in which servant leadership takes place. In addi-tion, two more research questions resulted from a review of the training literature, namely how and under which conditions servant leadership can be trained, and whether follower performance and well-being follow from servant leadership enhanced by training. We subsequently designed a servant leadership training and conducted a longitudinal field experiment to examine our sec-ond research question. Analyses were based on data from 38 leaders randomly assigned to a training or control condition, and 91 of their followers in 36 teams. Hierarchical linear modeling results showed that the training, which addressed the knowledge of, attitudes towards, and ability to apply servant leadership, positively affected leader and follower perceptions of servant leader-ship, but in the latter case only when leaders strongly identified with their team. These findings provide causal evidence as to how and when servant leadership can be effectively developed. Fi-nally, the research model of Study 1 was replicated in a third study based on 58 followers in 32 teams drawn from the same population used for Study 2, confirming that follower eudaimonic well-being and leader-rated performance follow from developing servant leadership via increases in psychological capital, and thus establishing the directionality of the examined relationships.

This thesis contains two theoretical essays built upon the canonical models of social learning, and one that applies social learning theory to durable goods markets. The first chapter, "Non-Monotone Observational Learning", revisits the canonical social-learning model that rationalizes herding in the long run, to investigate the possibility of non-imitative behavior in the short run generated by non-monotone learning: ceteris paribus, when some predecessor(s) switch to actions revealing greater confidence in one state of the world, agents become less confident in that state. I characterize conditions on the underlying information structures that lead to non-monotone learning. In particular, in a general setting with continuous private signals, I provide a necessary condition for non-monotone learning with an argument for its plausibility, as well as two non-restrictive suffient conditions that do not rely on parametrization. The second chapter, "Does Public Information Disclosure Help Social Learning?", studies the effect of releasing exogenous public information in the canonical social-learning model that predicts incomplete learning. To improve social learning, I show that it is weakly better to postpone the disclosure of a public signal irrespective of its precision. However, such weak monotonicity no longer holds if the objective is to maximize the discounted sum of people's expected payoffs or if the model goes beyond the canonical binary setting. On the other hand, it is suboptimal to ever release a public signal less precise than people's private signals even if sophisticated releasing strategies are allowed. The last chapter, "Learning and Price Dynamics in Durable Goods Markets", is joint work with Francesco Palazzo. We study how markets for durable goods with unobservable and time-varying aggregate market conditions determine price dynamics with market participants constantly learning from public observations. We set up a dynamic auction model with two key features: first, agents enjoy heterogeneous private use values and later resell the asset; second, prices do not incorporate all available information dispersed in the economy. Informational frictions slow down learning and affect price movements asymmetrically across high and low aggregate demand states. Learning and the resale motive are the predominant force for durable goods with short resale horizons, slow time varying aggregate demand, and similar use values across agents.

This thesis looks at the connections between inequality and violence in Venezuela by exploring how people's relationships might mediate or mitigate these connections. It is often assumed that people's relationships can provide motivations for engaging in violence, or that they provide informal social controls that can keep them from violence. Venezuela is an interesting case study because traditional indicators suggest violence might not be related to inequality in this context, justifying a focus on lower-level mechanisms that might be responsible for the often found correlations in different contexts. This thesis shows that historical inequalities provide the distal conditions for the institutionalisation of el malandreo, a Venezuelan gangster identity. Nevertheless, violence between malandros –people that identify with el malandreo– itself is the proximate cause of the deadly violence that holds Venezuela in a venomous grip. The research is based on data collected during a year's fieldwork in the barrios, poorer areas of Venezuela's cities where the majority of violence occurs, of two different cities. I collected both qualitative observation and unstructured interview data, as well as more quantifiable personal network data that were analysed with E-net and SPSS. A large part of the thesis is also based on ethnographic observations as well as interviews with malandros. The findings show that many barrio residents feel disadvantaged and may be motivated to use violence, nevertheless, there is little evidence that there is a lack of informal social control in these areas. Instead, the absence of formal authorities and dense interaction networks open the barrio up to much more ambiguous forms of informal social control. Such observations emphasise that el malandreo can be seen to provide existential meaning as well as informal social control, through violence. Overall, the thesis argues for a relational understanding of the connections between inequality and violence and for seeing violence itself as a form of social control particularly in areas where authority is ambiguous and social networks are dense.