Currently, policies implemented by governments in developing countries are dominated by the view that Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) is necessary for development and that, without FDI, there would be no growth. They also believe that FDI brings efficient management of resources, new technology, a culture of competition, and access to global markets. FDI is considered the best source of development finance on the grounds, among others, that it is self-liquidating. Obviously, Sudan is not an exception, with policies of economic liberalisation, policies of economic restructuring, attention to the infrastructure, privatisation, and establishment of the capital market, and other measures to attract FDI. The aim of this research is to explore the impact of policies followed by the host country on the amount of inward FDI and the impact of FDI on the economic development of the host country. It is important to focus on the theoretical foundation of the FDI phenomenon and its relevance in explaining FDI determinants. In conducting this research, a combination of qualitative and quantitative methods have been employed. A case study approach has been adopted to investigate the impact of the measures taken by the government of Sudan to encourage FDI. As well as investigating the impact at the macroeconomic level, the study focuses on the three sectors most affected by FDI: oil, real estate and telecommunications. Oil production and exports are of vital importance for Sudan’s economy, and hence the government has focused much of its effort on this sector, which is dominated by Chinese companies. Many of the issues faced were similar to those experienced elsewhere in Africa where China is the source of FDI. The inflows to the real estate sector were mainly from the Gulf, with developers seeking to build residential accommodation and commercial property which would appeal to Sudanese expatriates returning from work there. Telecommunications, in particular mobile services, have brought about a social revolution in Sudan, as well as elsewhere in Africa. The government’s aim was to open the market up, with competition making phone tariffs more affordable. Overall, government policies to encourage FDI have been successful but it is evident that different policies are needed for each sector.

This dissertation examines the philosophical and theological writings of Saīd Nursi (1877–1960) entitled Risāle-i Nur (Epistles of Light), and presents a critical analysis of his arguments for the existence of God. Although certain aspects of Nursi’s writings have been studied at various academic levels, his ways of arguing for the existence of God, and defending his position against the sceptics have not been studied at doctoral level. Therefore, the objective of this study is to understand Nursi’s arguments, then try locate him among other philosophers and scholars and bring out into light his original viewpoints in this context. The thesis consists of six chapters. Chapter 1 presents the historical background and the overview of main theistic arguments from the Christian, Islamic and Jewish points of views concerning God’s existence. The theistic arguments analysed are: the ontological arguments, the cosmological arguments, including the kalām cosmological arguments, the teleological arguments, which are also known as arguments to or arguments from apparent design, the arguments from morality and conscience, and, finally, the arguments from miracles and religious experience. Counter-arguments to the theistic arguments posed by the sceptics are also examined such as problem of evil, the problem of Hell, and the poor design arguments. In this chapter, we also aim to sum up some of the chief arguments in order to prepare some basis for this study. These arguments are analysed from Nursian viewpoint in later chapters. Chapter 2 provides an overview of the life and thoughts of Saīd Nursi and explores how and why his discourse changed from political activism into that of intellectual and spiritual life. Certain terminologies that have been developed by Nursi are discussed here. The Ensuing four Chapters, from 3 to 6 analyse four different arguments employed by Saīd Nursi’s for the existence and the unity of God (tawḥīd). The first argument, ‘the great book of the universe’, which is, in modern philosophy, the equivalent of the design argument is discussed in Chapter 3. Chapter 4 examines the second argument which Nursi calls the argument from prophethood (nubuwwah), with a particular focus on Prophet Muḥammad. Chapter 5 deals with the third argument, i.e. from Scriptures (waḥy), with the Qur’ān as the main focus. Finally, Chapter 6 discusses Nursi’s fourth argument that is conscience (wijdān) and the primordial human nature (fıṭrat-ı bashar). In addition, the critics posed specially by the atheist and the sceptics are subjected to an evaluation from Nursi’s perspective. Darwinian theory of evolution as an alternative to creation, criticisms to the Qur’ān and the Prophet Muḥammad, and philosophical issues such as the problem of evil and hell are among the challenges to which Nursi responds. The thesis concludes that Nursi’s first three arguments i.e. the design argument, the argument from prophethood and the argument from scriptures, despite certain different interpretations by Nursi, seem to be a continuations of the traditional argument. However, Nursi’s originality lays in his moral argument or the argument, namely, the argument from primordial human nature.

This study is concerned with security; particularly security in Lebanon. It is also equally concerned with various means to improve security. Building on debates at the heart of world politics and Security Studies, this study first discusses trends in global governance, in the study of security, and in security assistance to post-conflict or developing countries. It pays particular attention to the theoretical contributions of critical security studies, the conceptual contributions of human security, and the policy-relevant contributions of Security Sector Reform. It then moves on to examine the case of Lebanon, with particular emphasis on that country’s precarious security. It examines Lebanon’s problematic prevailing system and highlights efforts of progressive groups in transforming Lebanon’s system. Importantly, it also studies Lebanon’s security sector: both contemporary developments and historical circumstances that led up to its chronic weakness. In doing so, this study examines international aid efforts to Lebanon’s security sector, and problematizes both external and domestic roles in the reform process. This study draws links between debates and experience taking place at various levels and the security of Lebanon. It argues for a transformative process to achieve stability and human security in Lebanon. In light of this, this study is in favour of a progressive approach combining state and non-state actors – thus recommending an institutional approach that is responsive to bottom-up voices of positive change. Nevertheless, this study’s scope is limited; it therefore puts forward suggestions and recommendations which involve Lebanon’s security sector and which can positively contribute to human security.

The geopolitical conditions which led to the creation of NATO in 1949 rapidly disappeared following the fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989. The possibility of the termination of institutionalised US support for European security was seriously raised in this period, as was the possibility of NATO ceasing to exist. However, after progressive transformation, NATO expanded rather than disbanded. It went on to participate in ‘out of area’ actions. All these commitments were accompanied by debates about the purpose of NATO. Relevant debates included continuing tensions between Washington and European capitals over defence spending levels; accusations that the US was using NATO as an instrument of extra-United Nations unilateral power; the preference of Washington immediately after 9/11 for working through ad hoc rather than institutionalised alliance structures; and the developing relationship between NATO and Russia. This research seeks to explain the continuing US commitment to NATO in the post-Cold War era. The initial focus is on the recommitment decisions of the Clinton administration. It also researches in some depth the operations in Kosovo and, in particular, Libya. The case study on Libya is especially important in exploring the Obama administration’s understanding of the purpose of NATO in the context of current economic pressures, domestic US debates about post-War on Terror interventions, and of increasing American preoccupation with Pacific rather than European security. In the light of NATO operations in the post-Cold War era and the recent Syrian and Ukrainian crises, the study argues that the US has always been committed to NATO due to the unique value of NATO; the US overall foreign policy preference for NATO; and internal bureaucratic compromise on NATO. But the US may suspend its support to the Alliance in the future if the inherent problem of burden-sharing is not seriously treated by the European members.

With the Arab uprisings of 2011, the so-called ‘Turkish model’ emerged as central to a number of debates within academia about the significance of the modernisation experience of Turkey and its alleged applicability for developing countries of the Middle East and North Africa region. This thesis explores the concept of the Turkish model through the lens of modernisation studies. There are two mainstream conceptualisations of the Turkish model within the scholarly literature, namely what this thesis terms the ‘structural model’ and the ‘societal model’. While the structural model emphasises the value of the Kemalist secularisation program and the pre-1980 period of state-led development for the alleged success of Turkey in modernisation, the societal model highlights the role of social forces, particularly focusing on the post-1980 period of economic liberalisation and the rise of the AKP (Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi) after 2002. The methodology of the structural model is based on hypotheses of ‘classical modernisation theory’, whereas the societal model is inspired by ‘neo-modernisation theory’. Nevertheless, there is a gap in the existing literature on the Turkish model in terms of holistically examining this country case with a rising approach within modernisation studies in recent years – the ‘multiple modernities paradigm’. This thesis offers an alternative approach to the study of the Turkish model by applying the multiple modernities paradigm. This theorem challenges Eurocentric and deterministic conceptualisations of modernity by arguing that the processes of secularisation and economic development do not necessarily result in the consolidation of liberal democratic regimes. The thesis argues that the conceptual frameworks used by the structural and societal models within Turkish studies are based on the historical Western European experience of development, which prevents the two schools from fully accounting for the nuances of the unique process of transformation in Turkey. While expecting Turkey to replicate the Western experience, both approaches neglect the significance of historical contingency, path dependency and international context for the socio economic and political history of this country. By contrast, the multiple modernities paradigm acknowledges the profound impact these factors had on Turkey’s modernisation experience. Based on this framework, the thesis analyses the economic, social and political development trajectories of Turkey, showing that modernisation in this non-Western society has been a complex phenomenon that produced a divergent ‘modernity’ rather than converging towards Western values such as liberal democracy.

This thesis develops a theory of Islamic agency in International Relations based on the Islamic notion of Estekhlaf, emphasizing the role of human agency, problematizing mainstream accounts of structures in IR and in the process offer an alternative account of the socialization experience of Islamic agents in international relations.

This thesis examins America's perceptions of Islamism with a view both to identify the geopolitical dynamics that shape the U.S. Middle East prefernces and predict the trajectories of the U.S.-Islamist relations. the importance of this topic lies in the fact that the mainstream Islamism has increasingly established itself as an unrivaled force, emerging as a leading catalyst for change, and hence posing a threat to the U.S.-backed authoritarian power structures. focusing on the presidencies of Bill Clinton (1993-2001), George W. Bush (2001-2009), and Barck Obama (2009-2016), this research seeks to develop an empirical-based argument, offering a compelling interpretation of the post-Cold War's U.S. approaches towards Islamism in power. The outbreak of the Arab Spring at the outset of 2011 further reinforced the centrality of this theme, where moderate Islamists dominated the political scene in Egypt, Tunisa, Libya, and Yemen. The West in general, and the United States in particular, appeared to have depicted Islamism in power as a security threat rather than political challenge. Howvere, This study concludes that the U.S. conceptualizations of the contemporary Politica Islam are primarily rooted in a maltitude of historical, political, and ideological factors.

A host of negative perceptions about Western interests in keeping the Shah of Iran on throne and encouraging his aggressive posture during 1968-79 abound the anti-Imperialist narrative across the Persian Gulf. Negative references to the Shah’s stance against his Gulf and Westerly neighbours, such as claims on Bahrain, Abu Musa and the Tunbs Islands; instigating the Iraqi Kurdish rebellion and threatening to detach Pakistani Baluchistan during 1972-75 notwithstanding, his otherwise hostile behaviour in the OPEC threatening oil embargos against the West, as well actions in Dhofari rebellion during 1970-75, can only be explained as positive contributions towards the Arab cause and acting against Western interests. In addition, while the Shah acted against various Soviet protégés in the Gulf and western Asia during 1969-78, the Soviet countenance to his regional policies after his demanding American withdrawal from Bahrain in 1968 contradicts his acting on behalf of US interests or keeping the conservative Arabs incheck, or harbour expansionist ambitions. Analysing “Top-Secret” diplomatic correspondence detailing the Shah-US undertakings on these controversies, this study instead claims that the Shah wanted closer relations with all the conservative Arabs and revolutionary Iraq to protect the region from the US “bargains” with the Soviets. He actually protected his Sheikhly Arab neighbours from the Western military threat during 1968-71; extended direct security guarantees to Saudi Kingdom and Pakistan during 1972-75; and never harboured ambitions to take a security role under Nixon Doctrine thrgouh an aircraft Carrier navy well after 1971. The work discovers that the Shah had actually become resistant to President Johnson and Nixon’s advice on Iran’s security and relations with the Soviet Union, after refusals to provide necessary defensive weapons; threatening the Shah with arms embargoes and refusing any security guarantee to Iran from the Soviet, Nasserite or the Marxist threats during 1967-72. In fact, the study suggests that contrary to the stated objectives for US stationingthe MIDEASTFOR in Bahrain as security presence, Nixon intended to increase his bargaining position viz-a-viz the Soivet vulnerability along the southern borders; seek Soviet restraint against Europe and agree to Strategic Arms Limitations. The Shah was assured supplies of high-tech arms as a “recompense” for quiescence over US presence and Détente, and act as a conduit for arms to Pakistan after the 1971 War. The Shah’s interest in containing revolutionary Iraq after 1972 through the Kurds is also demonstrated as contradictory to Kissinger’s motives for Shah to act along Soviet borders and “neutralize” Iraq from the anti-Israeli quation. This study uncovers that the Shah did not act unilaterally against Saddam during 1972-75, but received support from King Faisal, Hussein and Kuwait, whereas, Nixon and Kissinger were duly warned by the CIA about the Shah’s “heavy-handed” tendencies against Arab neighbours; the dangers of triggering an arms race - without commensurate Iraqi threat -and which could elicit Soviet counter-actions should Iran threatened its southern borders or regional clients.

The European Union consists of a complex institutionalised decision-making system. As the only directly-elected institution, the European Parliament has been empowered through successive treaties to improve the legitimacy and thus reduce the democratic deficit. The latest treaty, namely the Lisbon Treaty, sought to continue this trend by empowering the European Parliament further to a point it now constitutes a major institutional player in the decision-making process. This thesis will therefore attempt to answer the ability of the European Parliament to enhance the functioning of democracy within the European Union. It will do so by examining a number of key policy areas such as appointment of the Commission College, enlargement of the European Union and legislative decision-making. These will be examined in regards to how the European Parliament participates in these fields and cooperates with the European Union’s institutions. It will also be considered how interinstitutional conflict is dealt with and how the European Parliament has internally structured itself in order to accomplish its goals. In order to interpret the findings of this research liberal intergovernmentalism has been identified as a possible explanatory theory with its usefulness in explaining the central position of Member State control in European Union affairs. It will be found the European Parliament is able influence the decision-making process and those actors involved in a manner it was previously unable to do prior to the Lisbon Treaty which as a result has significant impacts on the democratic functioning of the European Union.

China’s increasing involvement in Africa during this past decade is one of the most controversial and hotly debated issues in the region, maybe even worldwide. It appears to contradict not only the idea of an internationally marginalized Africa, but also the traditional North-South engagement pattern; specifically, humanitarian intervention and foreign aid mechanism. On the one hand, China has brought significant economic and political opportunities to the continent with large amounts of investment and infrastructure. While on the other hand, China’s interests in Africa - including international strategy for multipolarity, a boom in China-Africa trade, and a strategic focus on energy – have been challenged as a form of neo-colonialism and support for authoritarian governments at the expense of human rights, the environment and good governance. Comparing these two arguments, it shows that there is a lack of appropriate criteria with which to evaluate China’s impact on African countries. The existing literature has presented two faces of China in Africa: it has provided an alternative source and approach to conditional Western aid, but a generally asymmetrical relationship has made China-Africa links little different from previous Western-African relations. This thesis argues that the Western way is not the best criteria for evaluating China-Africa engagement, when considering the emerging power’s new role as a donor Instead, it attempts to establish a reasonable standard for a state being responsible in international society, and employs five standards on China-Africa involvement to analyse China’s responsibility in Africa, in terms of good governance, China’s African policy, policy implementation, feedback from host countries, and comments from international society. Since the good governance is considered to be an inner responsibility, the rest four criteria will be mainly discussed. To assess whether China is responsible to Africa is a difficult question. In order to clarify China’s role in Africa, this thesis has divided China-Africa involvement into two parts, the factors that shape China’s responsibility in Africa at the policy level and the factors that impact China in Africa (policy implementation). In general, three factors have shaped China’s responsibility in Africa at the policy level: China’s Africa policy motivation, Africa’s demands and international expectation. It has been concluded that China holds a different approach and political philosophy for helping Africa’s development, but it shows willingness to cooperate with the traditional players on the continent, and its own African policy is not always incompatible with Africa’s demands. Moreover, the factors at policy implementation level are diverse, including Chinese governmental branches, Chinese enterprises, and the host African countries’ environment. At this level, Chinese companies shoulder Beijing’s ‘going out’ strategy, using aid and infrastructure to expand overseas markets and acquire assets, especially energy assets, in Africa. Theoretically, this approach does not necessarily undermine development in Africa. However, in order to reach the central government’s goals, and constrained by the competition in the overseas market, Chinese companies have to invest in highly risky areas or provide generous loans and credit to outbid competitors, including overpayment for equity positions or underbidding contracts. Due to the profit-driven nature of enterprises, Chinese companies sometimes try to reduce costs during the implementation of projects by reducing quality, cutting labour costs, or sacrificing worker safety and lowering environmental protection. Their irresponsible behaviour deviates from the central government’s policy, but also badly damages the reputation of both Chinese companies and China as a whole. Although the host African countries and their markets were considered to be untapped and less competitive, compared to developed countries and well-established markets, Chinese companies still have difficulty in operating there. This thesis selected four case countries – Sudan (South Sudan), Nigeria, South Africa and Ethiopia, which represented typical features of China-Africa relations – to test China’s impact on the country and analyse the factors in Africa affecting China’s ability to shoulder responsibility. It proves the hypothesis that China’s responsibility in Africa is affected by both the Chinese and African environments. China’s positive or negative impacts on the host African countries were largely constrained by the political and economic situation within the host state.