This submission examines the doctrine of humanitarian intervention by focusing on the Western involvement in the violent breakup of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia during the 1990s and the wars that this ignited. It draws on several publications written over the past decade including "Securing Verdicts: The Misuse of Witness Evidence at The Hague", in Herman E.S. (ed), The Srebrenica Massacre: Evidence, Context, Politics (Szamuely 2011); Herman E.S., Peterson D. & Szamuely G., 2007, "Yugoslavia: Human Rights Watch in Service to the War Party" (Szamuely 2007); and Bombs for Peace: NATO’s Humanitarian War on Yugoslavia (Szamuely, 2014). Academic writers as well as policymakers deem NATO’s bombing of Bosnia in 1994 and 1995 and of Kosovo in 1999 to be exemplars of the successful use of force to secure humanitarian outcomes. This submission examines these claims in light of the standards that the advocates of humanitarian intervention have themselves put forward in order to measure the success or otherwise of any military action undertaken to stop mass atrocities and to save endangered civilians. My findings suggest that, even judged by those standards, NATO’s actions in Bosnia and Kosovo fell well short of success. Far more could have been achieved had diplomatic options been pursued with greater vigor than they actually were.

This thesis investigates the nature and effectiveness of the New Labour government’s attempt to modernise policy making in Britain. This government had developed and sought to implement a new concept of modernised policymaking, claiming that it represented a significant advance on previous efforts to transform policymaking. The principles, logic and ambition of this new form of modernised policymaking were set out clearly in a number of government publications (Cabinet Office, 1999a; Cabinet Office, 1999b). The objectives of this study are, firstly, to explore and assess the nature of this new concept of policy making, contextualising its claims by reference to the long history of debates about policy-making and modernisation in Britain. Secondly, it will investigate the use of this new form of policy making through a case study. The data collected will be subjected to a detailed analysis to assess the extent to which the development of the 2009 Migration Impact Fund constituted an example of modernised policy making, as conceived by the New Labour government. The ideas contained in the Asymmetrical Power model advanced by Marsh (2003) are used to inform the understanding of the policy setting in which the case occurred. To construct the case study, multiple methods of data collection are used to form a thick narrative that covers a five-year period. This narrative begins with the policy making that took place in anticipation of new migration in the lead up to the enactment of the 2003 Treaty of Accession and culminates in an explanation of how the 2009 Migration Impact Fund was designed and implemented. The case study is then subjected to a detailed analysis designed to generate precise data about the extent to which the nine features of modernised policy making are present; how modernised policy making presents at different points in the case; the extent to which the features of modernised policy making operated synergistically; and the different explanations for the policy making that was observed in the case study. These are used to then come to a statement as to whether policy making in this case was completely modernised; significantly modernised; not particularly modernised; or not modernised. The investigation found that policy making in this case was not particularly modernised. This was so because although all elements of modernised policy making was observed to be consistently present throughout the case, directive and bargaining based policy making were predominant at all crucial points rather than modernised policy making. The investigation showed that policy making operated, for better or worse, in a traditional way with core government’s commitment to increased labour mobility around Europe shaping the response of policy makers. As well, the investigation raised questions about how we may research and come to understand the impact of modernisation reforms when looking at policy making with a high level of detail. This is because the modernised policy making observed was not identified to be a direct result of the Modernising Government reforms, something that calls for further research to better ascertain the basis of choices made by policy makers. Overall, the case study findings confirm the predominant conclusions about New Labour’s efforts to modernise policy making (see for example Massey & Pyper, 2005; Newman, 2005). This is that there was a distinct gap between the rhetoric and practice of policymaking in this period which fundamentally served to continue the advance of business orientated approaches to public administration within the traditional political context of British policy making.

The Intelligence process has increasingly found itself in the public eye in modern times. The Al Qa’eda attacks against the USA in September 2001 led to a rapid spread of other international terrorist attacks. The invasion of Afghanistan occurred soon afterwards, followed by the invasion of Iraq in 2003. All of this resulted in the Intelligence community and their processes being pushed into the spotlight of the global media. Central to all Intelligence work is the Intelligence cycle, in whatever form it might take. This thesis investigates the effectiveness of the UK’s 6-stage Intelligence cycle in counter-terrorism work. Definitions of two key terms, Intelligence and terrorism are dissected at length, and the merits and shortcomings are outlined. Accusations of Intelligence failure have been levelled at both the UK government and at the country’s law enforcement, Intelligence and security agencies. Intelligence gaps and Intelligence failures will be described, and the differences between these key terms highlighted. All counter-terrorism work in the UK takes place within the environment of the government’s counter-terror strategy called CONTEST. The six pillars of the strategy are explained, and examples are used to show where Intelligence fits into it. Two UK-based case studies (Operation CREVICE and Operation RHYME) are used to highlight how Intelligence is used to protect the public from terrorist attacks. A thorough examination of the Intelligence cycle is conducted and some of the common difficulties and challenges encountered in the cycle are presented. It shows what can, and sometimes does, go wrong in the Intelligence cycle, and why this happens. Various models of the Intelligence cycle are compared and their intrinsic components discussed. The thesis benefits from a unique collection of personal insights from a number of serving and retired Intelligence specialist, all with personal experience of working in counter-terrorism. This adds valuable material to the considerations of the strengths and weaknesses of the model. The conclusion provides some recommendations for the enhancement and strengthening of the Intelligence cycle, resulting in a more robust and applicable model for the UK’s counter-terrorism work.

This commentary statement accompanies the research outputs (listed in Annex 1) submitted for the award of Ph.D. by Prior Output at London Metropolitan University. The commentary describes the genesis of the work presented, and brings coherence and context to the submission. The nine outputs in the submission (Outputs A – I) address the nature of approaches to interventions for the protection of human rights defenders. My premise holds that mobilising human rights-based approaches to interventions for the protection of human rights defenders in countries with oppressive regimes has significant potential for altering the nature and practice of human rights defence, improving security for human rights defenders, and impacting human rights implementation. This submission presents an original contribution of research work conducted over an eight year period (2009 – 2016). Situated in the academic discourse, there are three distinct strands within the research submission, each strand contributing to a coherent body of work. The first strand is concerned with the effective implementation of the European Union Guidelines on Human Rights Defenders; the second strand is concerned with the development of a research agenda engaging practitioners and academics in multiple research activities investigating the human rights defender protection regime; and the third strand is concerned with enabling environments for human rights defenders through projects in Central Asia and Darfur, Sudan. The work is derived from an agentic constructivist and human rights-based approach perspective. Through incorporating multiple, and also innovative methodologies, the research activities investigate defender protection situated in subjective meanings and multiple contexts, and the three strands of work together capture the eclectic perspectives of both the enablers of defenders, and defenders themselves. In this way the submission articulates pathways for a research agenda that informs and reveals problems in intervention approaches, encompassing local, regional and international engagement and support to human rights defenders. The commentary and the research outputs consider approaches of social and political mechanisms necessary for the mobilisation of improved security in defender communities, studied in multiple regions of the world to advance empirical knowledge and normative argument. The work contributes to academic rigour and scholarship in the fields of human rights and international relations, and also other social science fields, including sociology, social policy, politics, law, international development and security and conflict studies.

Societies in Sub-Saharan African states demonstrate a growing hostility towards sexual minorities. SSA states have politicized LGBTI identity and characterized it as being not an authentic African identity, but a product of Western values. LGBTI identity being characterized as an existential threat to the very moral identity of SSA societies; this environment has facilitated the construction of a climate of fear for LGBTI groups that in some SSA states has led to the securitization of LGBTI citizens. The research for this thesis evidences the role of political actors residing in SSA states, working actively with and funded by international conservative and religious organizations mainly from the USA. These actors share both the goal of preventing LGBTI rights emerging in SSA states and achieving the securitization or politicization of LGBTI identity. The narrative is positioned within inter-subjectively constructed meanings of identity; an African and religious identity which is seen as traditional and conservative, mainly either Christian or Islamic. A securitization process has emerged in some SSA states such as Uganda where the question of identity has been framed as an existential question. The changes required to incorporate acceptance of LGBTI identities in Uganda together with any legitimacy given to those relationships, is posited as an existential threat to the traditional African and religiously conservative moral identity so fundamental to Ugandan identity. Other states such as Ghana and Kenya have politicized and criminalized LGBTI identity, are hostile to any rights for those groups and continue to reject it across society; but importantly have not securitized those groups as found elsewhere on the continent. The role of religious conservatives is primarily in providing leadership within communities and pressure on politicians to reject what they see as an ontological assault that threatens the very identity of the state and society. Not only are LGBTI communities denied the right to make individual choices about their social, political, personal or economic futures in African societies. They are exposed to harsh laws or family or group/tribal actions that are sometimes life threatening to those not conforming to accepted social norms.

Government information organisation and processes are studied in limited aspects, often as public relations. This thesis attempts to present a comprehensive view of them in contexts of theoretical concept and real-world government. A distinction is made between government and public information. Hypotheses are formulated to account for systemic differences, in terms of government constraints from a position of information superiority on the extent of countervailing power distributed to the public with information. Influences on inputs, conversion and outputs demonstrate the extent of mediation which information undergoes within government. Transfers to the public are subject to further mediation in direct and indirect communication channels. Media, in symbiotic relationship with government, dominate transfer of political information. Discussion is mainly in terms of competitive political systems; but the influence of political structure is noted. Government and public information are examined within the illustrative real-world example of Israel. Influences of history, structure, standards and government and public attitudes are noted. Systemic disarticulations in output and feedback are discussed and case details given of consequent information defects. Comparison with the United Kingdom emphasises disparities in government and public information which can exist between politically competitive systems. No decisive relationship to stability is apparent. Theoretical concepts of response and steering of the political system are discussed with the aid of a political communications model. The cycle of information input, output and feedback has apparent discontinuities in terms of constraints in reception, diffusion through media, and thus in feedback, at the public extreme, and of response and steering within government, suggesting limitations in the continuous relationship implied in theoretical models. An alternative framework of assessment is suggested as an indicator of stability. Influences for change are noted, in access and outreach development. Antithetical tension within the government / media symbiosis suggests possible alternative government / public communications.

This thesis investigates how successive British governments in the last two decades of the Cold War developed and adapted civil defence policies aimed at mitigating the effects of a nuclear attack on the population of Britain. It tests the hypothesis that civil defence in Britain from 1972 until 1986 was shaped by three distinct influences; economic, ideological and external. It establishes in which ways and to what extent policy was shaped by these factors and which, if any, was the primary determinant of the major policy decisions of the time. It explains how changing economic, ideological and external contexts fused those policies with the political framework during those 15 years. It examines the theory and reality of civil defence, from its rebirth as a political and practical concern in 1972 until the end of civil defence as a practical and political response against a specific nuclear threat in 1986. It does so within the framework of a wider Cold War defence policy and explains how policy assumptions were constituted and perpetuated. By extrapolating and further analysing the idea of policy development as a direct result of certain key factors, this thesis charts the conceptualisation and evolution of civil defence through its fluctuating humanitarian, political, insurance and deterrent functions by which such policy may be explained and understood. The thesis concludes that determining one dominant influence from within the intensely symbiotic relationship of ideology, economics and external affairs is problematic. Rather it can be seen that the initiation of civil defence policy was the aspect of the policy cycle most closely influenced by ideology. The later formulation and implementation of that policy was primarily determined by the economic resources available. The ultimate existence of civil defence in its manifestation as protection against nuclear attack was wholly a reaction to the shifting developments of international affairs.

In 2007 Germany’s Left Party (DIE LINKE) won its first seats in the regional parliament of a western federal state, Bremen. This success contrasted with the failure of its predecessor, the PDS, to establish an electoral base beyond the eastern states. Today the Left Party is represented in eastern and western legislatures and challenges established coalition constellations both at federal and regional level. How can we understand the Left Party’s significant breakthrough in the West? The existing literature has sought to analyse and interpret the Left Party’s origins, success and challenges, and has also emphasised the importance of the western states, both for the PDS and the Left Party. This thesis offers new insights by evaluating the respective strengths of two distinct theories, Cartel Theory and Social Cleavage Theory, as explanatory frameworks for the Left Party’s breakthrough. The theories are also appraised in a detailed case study of Bremen. The study examines whether the party displayed the organisational traits, parliamentary focus and electoral strategy identified in Cartel Theory. The investigation of Social Cleavage Theory explores the mobilisation and framing of class-based protest in the anti-Hartz demonstrations, and analyses election results for evidence of a realignment of class-based support. The existing empirical data is supplemented by qualitative evidence obtained through questionnaire responses from Left Party members and sympathisers in Bremen. The final chapter considers the evidence as to whether Bremen is representative of other western states or an exceptional case. The overall findings suggest that indications of organisational features and the parliamentary focus associated with Cartel Theory did not explain the increase in Left Party support. Also, the redistributive character of the party’s programme countered, rather than converged with, the prevailing policy offer. However, WASG ties to organised labour and the SPD helped establish the Left Party in the tradition of social democracy and the political mainstream. Protest and the demand for social justice were indeed mobilised and framed in class terms and the Left Party attracted the votes of the unemployed and workers, as well as organised labour, with a partial realignment towards the Left Party, notably in SPD strongholds. The thesis concludes that class cleavage and class-based voting more strongly account for the Left Party’s electoral breakthrough. The originality of the thesis lies in its approach of combining theoretical analysis with an in-depth local case study, supplemented by empirical evidence. The thesis also suggests avenues of future research that may validate or challenge the strength of the two explanatory frameworks over time.

This thesis presents an empirical analysis of a unique data set of 427 men and women who have been charged with criminal offences as a result of suspected involvement in dissident republican activity in Northern Ireland between 1998 and 2014. The charges result from involvement in the four main dissident groups currently active in armed struggle in Ireland namely Continuity IRA (CIRA), Real IRA (RIRA), Oglaigh Na h’Eireann (ONH) and most recently the New IRA (NIRA). Both official Government publications and open source dissident news material was used to create a violent dissident republican personnel database. This database was then used to compare the dissidents with the Old IRA of the Irish Revolution between the years 1916-1923. This study is primarily comparing and contrasting the IRA and how it has changed in 100 years. Conclusions are made on gender and religion, age and marriage and status and class. It contains policy implications for both practitioners and academics on how to counter the contemporary violence of dissidents in Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland.

This thesis considers social work practice with separated young people who have migrated to Germany and the UK, with a specific focus on the role of human rights perspectives within practitioners’ approaches. The conceptual starting points are the contradictions between human rights frameworks which are commonly conceptualised as universal and inclusive, and the exclusive responses of Western states towards 'irregular' and asylum migration. These contradictions are enhanced and complicated by binary conceptualisations of childhood and adulthood, affording children different rights from adults. In practice, separated young people are treated very differently depending on whether they are considered 'children' or 'adults'. While many face disbelief from authorities regarding their asylum and age claims, even those who are initially accepted as 'children' are faced with uncertain futures as they enter legal 'adulthood'. Social workers, as members of a profession which considers itself a key proponent of social justice and human rights, are at the interface of these dilemmas in their practice with separated young people. They have a central role in inclusive processes, helping young people access support and resources, but they may also be caught up in exclusionary processes which significantly affect their practice, including their commitment to emancipatory values. Seeking to unsettle and transcend dichotomist conceptualisations, the field research for this thesis examined accounts of practitioners in different organisational settings in Berlin and London/Southeast England. The findings suggest that there were different approaches, which were not mutually exclusive, to conceptualising and referring to human rights more or less explicitly in their day-to-day practice. In what can be described as a liminal field of social work practice, practitioners used a range of strategies between accommodation with and resistance to difficult policy contexts.