Three studies assessed the relationship between need for closure (NFC; Kruglanski, Webster, & Klem, 1993) and evaluations of political ideology changes, as a function of mortality salience (MS). Based on terror management theory (Greenberg, Pyszczynski, & Solomon, 1986) and previous research (e.g., Cozzolino, 2006; Jost et al., 2003), we hypothesized that abstract reminders of death would activate the facet of NFC that seeks group consensus and stability (as opposed to deviation and persuasion). Following an MS or control induction, 156 participants evaluated politicians who switched political ideologies (moved from the left to the right). In line with recent research (Pu et al., 2007), results indicate that MS induced people high in NFC to express greater support for politicians seeking consensus in the political centre, compared to politicians endorsing liberal or conservative ideologies, an effect consistent with research linking NFC to desires for group centrism and collective closure. A second study (N = 170) clarified this issue further with participants evaluating political parties (rather than individual politicians) depicted as moving from their traditional left/ right positions toward the political centre in one condition, or parties that remained true to their traditional ideologies in a second condition. Results revealed that participants high in NFC exposed to MS expressed significantly higher levels of support for parties moving from the right to tl1e centre than for parties (including those moving from the left to the centre). A third study (N=276) explored how the activation of specific needs for cognitive closure via MS would result in an increased support for a centrist political party described as uniform in thought and enjoying an internal (vs. split) mandate for the party's manifesto. The results further indicate that reminders of mortality amplify demands for consensus and clarity more than signalling a demand for ideological clarity. Results and implications are discussed.

This thesis argues that accountability was a central concern in Mill's liberal-utilitarian political thought. This concern was a product of his conviction that a truly democratic society, which permitted individuals to develop their deliberative capacities, was possible only where there was an equilibrium of power. Without such an equilibrium, the danger was that the majority would impose conformity with its own values and practices. It is argued that Mill proposed the institutionalisation of debate in order to aid individuals in the use of critical reasoning, which he regarded as an essential component of human well-being and a necessary means for the improvement of society. He saw the protection of individual liberty from the encroachment of the majority, and the multiplication of the centres of power in society, as instrumental in rendering the masses accountable, and thereby preventing stagnation. Mill aimed to protect individual liberty by preventing the formation of power which was unaccountable both in the public and private spheres. He thought that a balance of power in all areas of society promoted co-operation in political, economic, and family relations. In this sense, unchecked forms of economic power were as detrimental to society as unchecked forms of political power, in that they both brought about tyranny. Mill adopted the optimistic belief that the institutionalisation of debate would make human beings into altruistic moral agents. This thesis argues that Mill's liberal-utilitarian conception of democracy makes a significant contribution to political theory, in that it enshirines the ideas that a well-ordered society prevents individuals, groups, and governments from improperly imposing their wishes over others, and that socio-political reforms have to take into account the characteristics of human nature and national character, and the historical trends operating in society.

No description available.

No description available.

Abstract This thesis argues that there is a tradition in political theology and in political theory that deserves to be called "Christian anarchism." The various thinkers that contribute to this tradition have never before been considered to be part of a theoretical movement or tradition, and the originality of this thesis is to weave these thinkers together and present a generic theory of Christian anarchism. . Taken together, thinkers like Tolstoy, Ellul, Elliott and Andrews put forward a comprehensive exegesis of Jesus' teaching and example as implying a critique of the state and a vision of a stateless society. Based on this understanding of the Gospel, they accuse both the state and the church of contradicting, betraying and corrupting the essence of Christianity. Some Christian anarchists - Eller in particular - even see Romans 13 and the "render unto Caesar" passage as not discrediting but indeed confirming their interpretation, and although more activist Christian anarchists sometimes disagree on the potential role of civil disobedience, they do all stress that what matters above all is obedience to God Moreover, they all call for the "true" church to lead the Christian anarchist revolution by example, despite the very demanding sacrifices which this involves. They point to numerous examples of similar witness ever since the early church, and themselves strive to emulate such examples in their own lives - the Catholic Worker movement being perhaps the most notable example in this regard Thus, Christian anarchist thinkers' critique of the current order and appeal to follow God's radical commandments echoes the voices of the prophets of old, calling society to return to God's covenant. By weaving their scattered voices together - by theorising Christian anarchism - this thesis provides a political commentary on the Gospel which contributes as much to political theory as it does to political theology.

No description available.

No description available.

No description available.

This thesis is motivated by the intuition that current extremes of global health inequality and deprivation constitute moral problems of the utmost importance. It aims to advance our understanding of how we should think about and be morally guided in our responses to global health inequality by engaging critically with literature and arguments at the intersection of global health, public health and social justice. Part I addresses the more conceptual question of how we should think about global health inequality. I suggest that we reject international empirical, operational and normative accounts of global health inequality in favour of genuinely global approaches. I suggest five core features of public health practice and ask whether they are meaningful at the global level. I find no argument for why the features of public health may not relate to the global sphere convincing and therefore tentatively conclude that we might think of global health inequality as a matter of public health. Part II addresses the more normative question of how we should be morally guided in our responses to global health inequality. Through engagement with the public health ethics literature I propose two roles for justice as a core public health value. First, justice may be an ethical principle guiding how public health is practiced, and second justice may provide the normative justification for why public health is practiced. I identify existing accounts of public health ethics and theories of justice reflecting these twin justice roles and evaluate how well they can morally guide our responses to global health inequality. I conclude by suggesting that public health may be a social institution governed by the principles ofjustice at the global level and that public health may be a human right which should be globally fulfilled as requirement of justice.

No description available.